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FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS. 



FIRST EDITION, DIVIDED INTO SECTIONS, FOR A 
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STEREOTYPED BY B. AND J. COLLINS, NEW-YORJC 
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ITHACA, N. Y. : 

MACK, ANDRUS & WOODRUFF. 

1840. 



THERE are some subjects on which a writer 
must decline all attempts to acquire fame, satisfied 
with being obscurely useful. After such a number 
of Roman Histories, in all languages, ancient and 
modern, it would be but imposture to pretend new 
discoveries, or to expect to offer any thing in a work 
of this kind, which has not been often anticipated by 
others. The facts which it relates have been an hun- 
dred times repeated, and every occurrence has been 
so variously considered, that learning can scarcely 
find a new anecdote, or genius give novelty to the 
old. 

I hope, therefore, for the reader's indulgence, if, 
in the following attempt it shall appear that my only 
aim was to supply a concise, plain and unaffected 
narrative of the rise and decline of a well known 
empire. I was contented to make such a book as 
could not fail of being serviceable, though of ali 
others the most unlikely to promote the reputation of 
the writer. Instead therefore of pressing forward 
among the ambitious I only claim the merit of know- 
ing my own strength, and falling back among the 
hindmost ranks with conscious inferiority. 

I am not ignorant, however, that it would be no 
such difficult task to pursue the same arts by which 
many dull men every day acquire a reputation in 
history; such might easily be attained, by fixing on 
6ome obscure period to write upon, where much 



if PREFACE 

seeming erudition might be displayed, almost an* 
known, because not worth remembering; and many 
maxims in politics might be advanced entirely new 
because altogether false. But I have pursued a con- 
trary method, chusing the most noted periods in 
history, and offering no remarks but such as I 
thought strictly true. 

The reasons of my choice were that we had no 
history of this splendid period in our language, but 
what was either too voluminous for common use, or 
too meanly written to please. Catrou and Rouille's 
History in six volumes folio translated into our lan- 
guage by Bundy, is entirely unsuited to the time and 
expense mankind usually chuse to bestow upon this 
subject; Rollin and his continuator Crevier, making 
above thirty volumes octavo, seem to labour under 
the same imputation ; as likewise Hook, who has 
spent three quartos upon the republic alone, the rest 
of his undertaking remaining unfinished.* There 
only therefore remained the History by Echard, 
in five volumes octavo, whose plan and mine seemed 
to coincide ; and had his execution been equal to his 
design, it had precluded the present undertaking. 
But the truth is, it is so poorly written, the facts so 
crouded, the narration so spiritless, and the charac- 
ters so indistinctly marked, that the most ardent 
curiosity must cool in the perusal ; and the noblest 
transactions that ev*r warmed the human heart, as 
described by him must cease to interest. 

I have endeavoured, therefore, in the present work 
(or rather compilation) to obviate the inconveniences 
arising from the exuberance of the former, as well as 
from the unpleasantness of the latter. Too much 
time may he given even to laudable pursuits, and 
there is none more apt than this to allure the student 



A fourth volume has since been published. 



PREFACE. v 

from more necessary branches of learning, and, if I 
may so express it, entirely to engross his industry. 
What is here offered therefore may be sufficient for 
all but such as make history the peculiar business of 
their lives ; to such the most tedious narrative will 
seem but an abridgment, as they measure the merit 
of a work rather by the quantity than the quality 
of its contents. Others however, who think more 
soberly, will agree, that in so extensive a field as that 
of the transactions of Rome, more judgment may be 
shown by selecting what is important, than by adding 
what is obscure. The history of this empire has 
been extended to six volumes folio ; and I ave**, that 
with very little learning, it might be increased to six- 
teen more ; but what would this be but to load the 
subject with unimportant facts, and so to weaken the 
narration, that like the empire it described, it must 
necessarily sink beneath the weight of its own acqui- 
sitions ! 

But while I have thus endeavoured to avoid pro- 
lixity, it was found no easy matter to prevent crowd- 
ing the facts, and to give every narrative its proper 
play. In reality no art can contrive to avoid oppo- 
site defects ; he who indulges in minute particularities 
will be often languid, and he who studies concise- 
ness will as frequently be dry and unentertaining. 
As it w r as my aim to comprise as much as possible in 
the smallest compass, it is feared the work will often 
be subject to the latter imputation ; but it was impos- 
sible to furnish the public with a cheap Roman His- 
tory, and at the same time to give all that warmth to 
the narrative, all those colourings to the description, 
which works of twenty times the bulk have room to 
exhibit. I shall be fully satisfied, therefore, if it fur- 
nishes an interest sufficient to allure the reader to the 
end : and thi« is a claim to which few abridgments 
can justly make pretensions. 

To these objections there are some who may add, 
that I have rejected many of the modern improve- 
1* 



H f PREFACE. 

ments in Roman History, and that every character is 
left in full possession of that fame or infamy which it 
obtained from its contemporaries, or those who wrote 
immediately after. I acknowledge the charge, for it 
appears now too late to re-judge the virtues or the 
vices of those men who were but very incompletely 
known even to their own historians. The Romans, 
perhaps, upon many occasions, formed wrong ideas 
of virtue, but they were by no means so ignorant or 
abandoned in general as not to give their brightest 
characters the greatest share of their applause ; and 
I do not know whether it be fair to try Pagan ac- 
tions by the standard of Christian morality. 

But, whatever may be my execution of this work, I 
have very little doubts about the success of the un- 
dertaking ; the subject is the noblest that ever em- 
ployed human attention; and instead of requiring a 
writer's aid, will support him with its splendor. The 
empire of the world, rising from the meanest origin, 
and growing great by a strict veneration for religion, 
and an implicit confidence in its commanders, con- 
tinually changing the mode, but seldom the spirit of 
its government, being a constitution in which the mi- 
litary power, whether under the name of citizens or 
soldiers, almost always prevailed; adopting all the 
improvements of other nations with the most indefat- 
igable industry, and submitting to be taught by those 
whom it afterwards subdued; this is a picture that 
must affect us however it be disposed; these materi- 
als must have their value under the hand of the mean- 
est workman. 



THE 

HISTORY 

OF THE 

COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 



CHAPTER I 

Of the Origin of the Romans. 

1. THE Romans were particularly desirous of be- 
ing thought descended from the gods, as if to hide the 
meanness of their real ancestry. iEneas, the son of 
Venus and Anchises, having escaped from the des- 
truction of Troy, after many adventures and dangers, 
arrived in Italy [A. M. 2294.] where he was kindly 
received by Latinus, king of the Latins, who gave 
him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Turnus, king 
of the Rutuli, was the first who opposed iEneas, he 
having long made pretensions to Lavinia himself. 
A war ensued in which the Trojan hero was victori- 
ous, and Turnus slain. In consequence of this iEneas 
built a city which was called Lavinium, in honour of 
his wife : and some time after, engaging in another 
war against Mezentius, one of the petty kings of the 
country, he was vanquished in turn, and died in bat- 
tle, after a reign of four years. 

2. Numitor, the fifteenth king in a direct line 
from iEneas, who took possession of the kingdom 
in consequence of his father's will, had a brother na- 
med Amulius, to whom he left the treasures which had 
been brought from Troy. As riches but too generally 



8 THE HISTORV OF THE 

prevail against right, Amulius made use of his wealth 
to supplant his* brother, and soon found means to 
possess himself of the kingdom. 

3. Not content with the crime of usurpation, he 
added that of murder also. Numhor's sons first fell 
a sacrifice to his suspicions ; and to remove all appre- 
hensions of being one day disturbed in his ill got 
power, he caused Rhea Silvia, his brother's only 
daughter, to become a vestal virgin ; which office 
obliging her to perpetual celibacy, made him less 
uneasy as to the claims of posterity. 

4. His precautions, however, were all frustrated 
in the event : for Rhea Silvia, going to fetch water 
from a neighbouring grove, was met and ravished 
by a man, whom, perhaps to palliate her offence, she 
averred to be Mars, the god of war. From this con- 
gress she was brought to bed of two bo3 r s, who were 
no sooner born than devoted by the usurper to 
destruction. 

5. The mother was condemned tc be buried alive, 
the usual punishment for vestals who had violated 
their chastity, and the twins were ordered to be flung 
into the river Tyber. It happened at the time this 
rigorous sentence was put into execution, that the 
river had more than usually overflowed its banks, so 
that the place where the children were thrown being 
at a distance from the main current, the water was 
too shallow to drown them. 

6. In this situation, therefore, they continued with- 
out harm; and, that no part of their preservation might 
want its wonders, we are told that they were for 
some time suckled by a wolf, until Faustulus, the 
king's herdsman, finding them thus exposed, brought 
them home to Aca Laurentia his wife, who brought 
them up as his own. 

7. Romulus and Remus, the twins thus strangely 
preserved, seemed early to discover abilities and de- 
sires above the meanness of their supposed original. 
The shepherd's life began to displease them •, and 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 9 

from tending flocks, or hunting wild beasts, they 
soon turned their strength against the robbers round 
the country, whom they often stript of their plunder 
to share it among their fellow shepherds. 

8. In one of these excursions Remus was taken 
prisoner by Numitor's herdsman, who brought him 
before the king, and accused him of being a plun- 
derer. Romulus, however, being informed by F^us- 
tulus of his real birth, was not remiss in assembling 
a number of his fellow shepherds, who beset the 
usurper on all sides, who, during his amazement and 
distraction, was taken and slain, while Numitor, who 
had been deposed forty-two years, recognised his 
grandsons, and was once more restored to the throne. 

9. Numitor being thus in quiet possession of the 
kingdom, his grandsons resolved to build a city upon 
those hills where they had formerly lived as shep- 
herds. Many of the neighbouring shepherds also, 
and such as w r ere fond of change, repaired to the 
intended city, and prepared to raise it. In or- 
der to proceed in this undertaking with all possible 
solemnity, the two brothers were advised by the king 
to take an omen from the flight of birds, and that he 
whose omen should be most favourable should in all 
respects direct the other. 

10. In compliance with this advice they both took 
their stations upon different hills. To Remus ap- 
peared six vultures ; to Romulus twice that number : 
so that each party thought itself victorious : the one 
having the first omen, the other the most complete 
This produced a contest, which ended in a battle, 
wherein Remus was slain , and it is even said that 
he was killed by his brother, who being provoked 
at his leaping ovsr tbe city wall, struck him dead 
upon the spot. 

11. Romulus, being now sole commander, and 
eighteen years of age, began the'foundation of a city, 
that was one day to give laws to the world. It was 
called Rome, after the name of the founder, and 

A 2 



10 THE HISTORY OF THE 

built upon the Palatine hill, on which he had taken his 
successful omen [A. M. 3252. ante c. 752.] This 
city was at first almost square, containing about a 
thousand houses. 

12. It was near a mile in compass, and commanded a 
small territory round it of about eight miles over. How- 
ever small as it appears, it was notwithstanding worse 
inhabited; and the first method made use of to increase 
its numbers, was the opening a sancutary for all 
malefactors, slaves, and such as were desirous of nov- 
elty ; and these came in great multitudes, and con 
tributed to increase the number of our legislator's 
new subjects. 



CHAPTER II. 

From the building of Rome to the death of Romulus. 

1. SCARCE was the city raised above its foun- 
dation, when its rude inhabitants began to think of 
giving some form to their constitution. Romulus, 
by an act of great generosity, left them at liberty 
to choose whom they would for their king ; and 
they in gratitude concurred to elect their founder ; 
he was accordingly acknowledged as chief of their 
religion, sovereign magistrate of Rome, and gene- 
ral of the army. 

2. Beside a guard to attend his person, it was agreed, 
that he should be preceded wherever he went by twelve 
men, armed with axes tied up in abundle of rods, who 
were to serve as executioners of the law, and to im- 
press his new subjects with an idea of his authority. 

3. The senate, which was to act as counsellors 
to the king, was composed of an hundred of the 
principal citizens of Rome, consisting of men whose 
age, wisdom, or valour, gave them a natural autho- 
rity over their fellow subjects ; and the king named 
the first senator, and appointed him to the govern 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 11 

ment of the city, whenever war required his own 
absence. 

4. The Plebeians, who composed the third part of 
the legislature, assumed to themselves the power of au- 
thorizing those laws which were passed by the king or 
the senate. All things relative to peace or war, to the 
election of magistrates, and even to the choosing a 
king, were confirmed by suffrages in their assemblies. 

5. The first care of the new created king was to 
attend to the interests of religion : but the precise 
form of their worship is unknown. The greatest 
part of the religion of that age consisted in firm re- 
liance upon the credit of their soothsayers, who pre- 
tended, from observation on the flight of birds and 
the entrails of beasts, to direct the present, and to 
dive into futurity. Romulus, by an express law, 
commanded that no election should be made, no en 
terprize undertaken, without first consulting them. 

6. Wives were forbid, upon any pretext whatso- 
ever, to separate from their husbands ; while, on the 
contrary, the husband was empowered to repudiate 
his wife, and even in some cases to put her to death* 
His laws between children and their parents were 
yet still more severe; the father had entire power over 
his offspring, both of fortune and life ; he could sell 
them or imprison them at any time of their lives, or 
** any stations to which they were arrived. 

/• After his endeavours by laws to regulate his 
subjects he next gave orders to ascertain their num- 
bers. The whole amounted but to three thousand 
foot, and about as many hundred horsemen, capable 
of bearing arms. These therefore were divided 
equally into three tribes, and to each he assigned a 
different part of the city. 

8. Each of these tribes was subdivided into ten curiae, 
or companies, consisting of an hundredmen each, with 
a centurion to command it ; a priest, called curio, to 
perform the sacrifices ; and two of the principal in- 
habitants, called duumviri, to distribute justice. 



12 THE HISTORY OF THE 

9. By these wise regulations, each day added 
strength to the new city ; multitudes flocked in from 
all the adjacent towns, and it only seemed to want 
women to ascertain its duration. In this exigence, 
Romulus, by the advice of the senate, sent deputies 
among the Sabines, his neighbours, entreating their 
alliance, and upon these terms offering to cement 
the most strict confederacy with them. 

10. The Sabines, who were then considered as the 
most warlike people of Italy, rejected the proposal 
with disdain ; Romulus therefore proclaimed a feast 
in honor of Neptune throughout all the neighbouring 
villages, and made the most magnificent preparations 
for it. These feasts w r ere generally preceded by sa- 
crifices, and ended in shews of wrestlers, gladiators, 
and chariot courses. 

11. The Sabines as he had expected, were among 
the foremost who came to be spectators, bringing 
their wives and daughters with them to share the 
pleasure of the sight. In the mean time the games 
began, and while the strangers were most intent upon 
the spectacle, a number of the Roman youth rushed 
in among them with drawn swords, seized the 3'oung- 
est and most beautiful women, and carried them off 
by violence. 

12. In vain the parents protested against this 
breach of hospitality ; in vain the virgins themselves 
at first opposed the attempts of their ravishers; perse- 
verance and caresses obtained those favours which 
timidity at first denied ; so vhat the betrayers, from 
being objects of aversion, soon became the partners 
of their dearest affections. 

13. A bloody war ensued. The cities of Cenina, 
Antemna, and Crustumium, were the first who re- 
solved to revenge the common cause, which the Sa- 
bines seemed too dilatory in pursuing. But all these i 
by making separate inroads, became a more easy 
conquest to Romulus, who made the most merciful 
use of his victory ; instead of destroying their towns, 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 13 

or lessening their numbers, he only placed colonies of 
Romans in them, to serve as a frontier to repress 
more distant invasions. 

14. Tatius, king of Cures, a Sabine city, was the 
last although the most formidable, who undertook to 
revenge the disgrace his country had suffered. He 
entered the Roman territories at the head of twenty- 
five thousand men, and not content with a superiority 
of forces, he added stratagem also. Tarpeia, who 
was daughter to the commander of the Capitoline 
hill, happened to fall into his hands as she went with- 
out the walls of the city to fetch water. 

15. Upon her he prevailed, by means of large pro- 
mises, to betray one of the gates to his army. The re- 
ward she engaged for, was what the soldiers wore on 
their arms, by which she meant their bracelets. They, 
however, either mistaking her meaning or willing to 
punish her perfidy, threw their bucklers upon her as 
they entered, and crushed her to death. 

16. The Sabines being thus possessed of the Cap- 
itoline, after some time a general engagement ensued, 
which was renewed for several days with almost 
equal success, and neither could think of submitting : 
it was in the valley between the Capitoline and Quiri- 
nal hills, that the last engagement was fought between 
the Romans and Sabines. 

17. The engagement was now become general, 
and the slaughter prodigious, when the attention 
of both sides was suddenly turned from the scene of 
horror before them, to another; till at length the Sa- 
bine women, who had been carried off by the Ro- 
mans, with their hair loose, and their ornaments ne- 
glected, flew in between the combatants, regardless 
of their own danger, and with loud outcries implored 
their husbands and their children to desist. 

18. Upon this, the combatants, as if by mutual 
impulse, let fall their weapons; an accommodation 
ensued, by which it was agreed that Romulus and 
Tatius should reign jointly in Rome, with equal 

2 



14 THE HISTORY OF THE 

power and prerogative, that an hundred Sabines 
should be admitted into the Senate, that the city 
should still retain its former name, but that the citizens 
should be called Quirites, after Curies, the principal 
town of the Sabines, and that both nations being 
thus united, such of the Sabines as chose it, should 
be admitted to live in and enjoy all the privileges of 
citizens in Rome. 

19. Tatius was killed about five years alter by the 
Lavinians, for having protected some servants of his, 
who had plundered them and slain their ambassadors; 
so that by this accident Romulus once more saw him- 
self sole monarch of Rome. 

20. Successes like these produced an equal share 
of pride in the conqueror. From being contented 
with those limits which had been wisely assigned to 
his power, he began to affect absolute sway, and to 
govern those laws to which he had himself formerly 
professed implicit obedience. 

21. The senate was particularly displeased at his 
conduct, as they found themselves only used as in- 
struments to ratify the rigor of his commands. We 
are not told the precise manner which they employed 
to get rid of the tyrant; some say that he was torn iv 
pieces in the senate house; others, that he disappear 
ed while reviewing his army. 

22. Certain it is, that from the secrecy of the 
fact, and the concealment of the body, they took oc- 
casion to persuade the multitude that he was taken 
up into heaven; thus him whom they could not bear 
as a king, they were contented to worship as a god. 
Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, and after hi» 
death had a temple built to him under the name of 
Quirinus. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 15 



CHAPTER III. 

From the death of Romulus, to the death of Numa 
Pompilius > the second king of Rome. 

[U. C. 38.] 

1. UPON the death of Romulus, the city seemed 
greatly divided in the choice of a successor. The 
Sabines were for having a king chosen from their 
body, but the Romans could not bear the thoughts of 
advancing a stranger to the throne. In this per 
plexity the senators undertook to supply the place of 
the king, by taking the government, each of them in 
turn, for five days, and during that time enjoying all 
the honours and all the privileges of royalty. 

2. This new form of government continued for a 
year, but the Plebeians, who saw that this method of 
transferring power was only multiplying their mas- 
ters, insisted upon altering that mode of government. 
The senate being thus driven to an election, at length 
pitched upon Numa Pompilius, a Sabine; and their 
choice was received with universal approbation by 
the people. 

3. Numa Pompilius, who was now about forty, 
had long been eminent for his piety, his justice, mo- 
deration, and exemplary life. He was skilled in all 
the learning and philosophy of the Sabines, and lived 
at home at Cures, contented with a private fortune, 
unambitious of higher honours. It was not there- 
fore, without reluctance, that he accepted the dignity, 
which, when he did, it produced such joy, that the 
people seemed not so much to receive a king as a 
kingdom. 

4. No monarch could be more proper for them 
than Numa at a conjuncture when the government 
was composed of various petty states lately subdued, 



16 THE HISTORY OF THE 

and but ill united among each other: they wanted a 
master who could by his laws and precepts soften 
their fierce dispositions, and by his example induce 
them to a love of religion, and every milder virtue. 

5. Numa's whole time therefore w T as spent in in- 
spiring his subjects with a love of piety, and a vene- 
ration for the gods. He built many new temples, 
instituted sacred offices and feasts, and the sanctity 
of his life gave him credit enough to persuade his 
people that he had a particular correspondence with 
the goddess Egeria. By her advice he built the tem- 
ple of Janus, which was to be shut in time of peace, 
and open in war ; he ordained vestal virgins, who, 
being four in number, had very great privileges al- 
lowed them. 

6. For the encouragement of agriculture he divi- 
ded those lands which Romulus had gained in war 
among the poorer part of the people ; he regulated 
the calendar, and abolished the distinction between 
Romans and Sabines, by dividing the people accord- 
ing to their several trades, and compelling them to 
live together. 

7. Thus, having arrived at the age of fourscore 
years, and having reigned forty-three in profound 
peace, he died, ordering his body to be buried in a 
stone coffin, contrary to the custom of the times, and 
his boohs of ceremonies, which consisted of twelve in 
Latin, and as many in Greek, to be buried by his 
side in another. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 17 



CHAPTER IV. 

Prom the death of Numa, to the death of Tullu$ 
Hostilius, the third king of Rome. 

[U. C. 82.] 

1. UPON the death of Numa, the government 
once more devolved upon the senate, and continued 
till the people elected Tullus Hostilius for their king, 
which choice had also the concurrence of the other 
part of the constitution. This monarch, who was 
grandson to a noble Roman who had formerly sig « 
nalixed himself against the Sabines, was every way 
unlike his predecessor, being entirely devoted to war, 
and more fond of enterprise, than even the founder 
of the empire himself had been; so that he only 
sought a pretext for leading his forces into the 
field. 

2. The Albans were the first people who gave him 
an opportunity of indulging his favourite inclinations. 
The forces of these two states met about five miles 
from Rome, prepared to decide the fate of their re- 
spective kingdoms; for almost every battle in these 
times was decisive. The two armies were for some 
time drawn out in array, awaiting the signal to begin, 
both chiding the length of that dreadful suspense, 
when an unexpected proposal from the Alban gene- 
ral put a stop to the onset. 

3. Stepping in between both armies, he offered the 
Romans a choice of deciding the dispute by single 
combat ; adding that the side whose champion was 
overcome should submit to the conqueror. A propo- 
sal like this, suited the impetuous temper of the Ro- 
man king, and was embraced with joy by his sub- 
jects, each of which hoped that he himself should be 
chosen to fight the cause of his country. 

2* . B 2 



18 THE HISTORY OF THE 

4. There were at this time three twin brothers in 
each army ; those of the Romans were called Hora- 
tii, and those of the Albans, Curiatii, all six remark- 
able for their courage, strength, and activity, and to 
these it was resolved to commit the management ot 
the combat. At length the champions met in comba* 
together ; and each, totally regardless of his own 
safety, only sought the destruction of his opponent. 

5. The spectators, in horrid silence, trembled at 
every blow, and wished to share the danger, till for- 
tune seemed to decide the glory of the field. Vic- 
tory, that had hitherto been doubtful, appeared to de- 
clare against the Romans; they beheld two of their 
champions lying dead upon the plain, and the three 
Curiatii, who were wounded, slowly endeavouring to 
pursue the survivor, who seemed by flight to beg for 
mercy. 

6. Soon however, they perceived that his flight 
was only pretended, in order to separate his antago- 
nists, whom he was unable to oppose united; for 
quickly after, stopping his course, and turning upon 
him who followed most closely behind, he laid him 
dead at his feet; the second brother, who came on to 
assist him who was fallen, only shared the same fate; 
and now there remained but the last Curiatius to con- 
quer, who fatigued and quite disabled with his 
wounds, slowly came up to offer mi easy victory 
He was killed, almost unresisting, while the conquer- 
or exclaiming, offered him as a victim to the superi- 
ority of the Romans, whom now the Alban army 
consented to obey. 

7. But none of the virtues of that age were without 
alloy ; the very hand that in the morning was exert- 
ed to save his country, was before night embrued in 
the blood of his sister. For returning triumphant 
from the field, it raised his indignation to behold hei 
bathed in tears, and lamenting the loss of her lover, 
one of the Curiatii, to whom she was betrothed. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 19 

This provoked him beyond the power of sufferance, 
so that he slew her in a rage. 

8. This action greatly displeased the senate, and 
drew on the condemnation of the magistrates, but he 
was pardoned by making his appeal to the people. 

9. Hostilius died, after a reign of thirty-two 
years ; some say by lightning, others, with more pro- 
bability, by treason. 



CHAPTER V. 

From the death of Tullus Hostilius, to the death of 
Ancus Martins, the fourth king of Rome. 

[U. C. 115.] 

1. AFTER an interregnum, as in the former 
case, Ancus Martius, the grandson of Numa, was 
elected king by the people, and the choice afterwards 
was confirmed by the senate. As this monarch was 
a lineal descendant from Numa, so he seemed to 
make him the great object of his imitation. He in- 
stituted the sacred ceremonies which were to precede 
a declaration of war; he took every occasion to ad- 
vise his subjects to return to the arts of agriculture, 
and to lay aside the less useful stratagems of war. 

2. These institutions and precepts were considered 
by the neighbouring powers rather as marks of 
cowardice than of wisdom. The Latins therefore 
began to make incursions upon his territories, but 
their success was equal to their justice. — Ancus con- 
quered the Latins, destroyed their cities, removed 
their inhabitants to Rome, and increased his territo- 
ries by the addition of part of theirs. He quelled 
also an insurrection of the Veii, the Fidenates, and 
the Volsci ; and over the Sabines he obtained a se- 
cond triumph. 

3. But his victories over the enemy were by no 



26 THE HISTORY OF TH£ 

means comparable to his works at home, in raising 
temples, fortifying the city, making a prison for ma- 
lefactors, and building a sea-port at the mouth of the 
Tyber, called Ostia, by which he secured to his sub- 
jects the trade of that river and that of the salt pits 
adjacent. Thus having enriched his subjects, and 
beautified the city, he died after a reign of twenty- 
four years. 



CHAPTER VI. 

From the death of Ancus Martins, to the death of 
Tarquinius Priscus, the fifth b*ng of Rome 

[U. C. 133 v 

1. LUCIUS TARQUINIUS ,>RISCUS, whose 
original name was Lucumon, and who was appoint- 
ed guardian to the sons of the late king, took the 
surname of Tarquinius from the city of Tarquinio, 
from whence he last came. His father was a mer- 
chant of Corinth, who had acquired considerable 
wealth by trade and had settled in Italy upon account 
of some troubles at home. 

2. His son Lucumon, who inherited his fortune, 
married a woman of family in the city of Tarquinio ; 
and as his birth, profession, and country were con- 
temptible to the nobles of the place, by his wife's 
persuasion he came to settle at Rome, where merit 
only made distinction. 

3. On his way thither, say the historians, as he 
approached the city gate, an eagle, stooping from 
above, took off his hat, and flying round his chariot 
for some time, with much noise, put it on again. 
This, his wife Tanaquil, who it seems was skilled in 
augury, interpreted as a presage that he should one 
day wear the crown ; and perhaps it was this which 
first fired his ambition to pursue it. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 21 

4. Ancus being dead, and the kingdom, as usual 
devolving upon the senate, Tarquin used all his pow- 
er and arts to set aside the children of the late king, 
and to get himself elected in their stead. For this 
purpose, upon the day appointed for election, he con- 
trived to have them sent out of the city : and in a set 
speech to the people, in which he urged his friend- 
ship for them, the fortune he had spent among them, 
and his knowledge of their government, he offered 
himself for their king. 

5. As there was nothing in this harangue that 
could be contested, it had the desired effect, and the 
people, with one consent, elected him as their sove- 
reign. 

6. A kingdom, thus got by intrigue, was, notwith- 
standing, governed with equity. In the beginning 
of bis reign, in order to recompense his friends, he 
added an hundred members more to the senate, which 
made them in all three hundred. 

7. But his peaceful endeavours weie soon inter- 
rupted by the inroads of his restless neighbours, par- 
ticularly the Latins, over whom he triumphed, and 
whom he forced to beg a peace. 

8. He then turned his arms against the Sabines, 
who had risen once more, and had passed over the 
river Tyber ; but Tarquin, attacking them with vi- 
gour, routed their army ; so that many who escaped 
the sword, were drowned in attempting to cross over, 
while their bodies and armour, floating down to 
Rome, brought news of the victory even before the 
messengers could arrive that were sent with the ti- 
dings. — These conquests were followed by several 
advantages over the Latins, from whom he took 
many towns, though without gaining any decisive 
victory. 

9. Tarquin having thus forced his enemies into 
submission, was resolved not to let his subjects cor- 
rupt in indolence, but undertook and perfected seve- 



22 THE HISTORY OF THE 

ral public works for the convenience and embellish- 
ment of the city. 

10. In his time also, the augurs came into a great 
increase of reputation, and he found it his interest to 
promote the superstition of the people, as this was in 
fact but to increase their obedience. Tanaquil, his 
wife, was a great pretender to this art ; but Accius 
Naevius was the most celebrated adept of the kind 
that was ever known in Rome. Upon a certain oc- 
casion, Tarquin, being resolved to try the augur's 
skill, asked him whether what he was then pondering 
in his mind could be effected ? 

11. Nsevius having examined his auguries, boldly 
affirmed that it might : " Why then," cries the king, 
with an insulting smile, " I had thoughts of cutting 
tills whetstone with a razor." " Cut boldly," replied 
the augur ; and the king cut it through accordingly. 
Thence forward nothing was undertaken in Rome 
without consulting the augurs, and obtaining their 
advice and approbation. 

12. Tarquin was not content with a kingdom, 
without also the ensigns of royalty. In imitation of 
the Lydian kings he assumed a crown of gold, an 
ivory throne, a sceptre with an eagle on the top, and 
robes of purple. It was, perhaps, the splendor of 
these royalties that first raised the envy of the late 
king's sons, who had now for above thirty-seven 
years quietly submitted to his government. 

13. His design also of adopting Servius Tullius, 
his son-in-law for his successor, might have contri- 
buted to inflame their resentment. Whatever was 
the cause of their tardy vengeance, they resolved to 
destroy him ; and at last found means to effect their 
purpose, by hiring two ruffians, who demanding to 
soeak with the king, pretending that they came for 
justice, struck him dead in his palace with the blow 
of an axe. 

14. The lictors, however, who waited upon the 
person of the king, seized the murderers, who were 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 23 

attempting to escape : they were put to death; but the 
sons of Ancus, who were the instigators, found safety 
by flight. 

15. Thus fell Lucius Tarquinius, surnamed Pris- 
cus, to distinguish him from one of his successors of 
the same name, aged fifty-six years, of which he had 
reigned thirty-eight. 

CHAPTER VII 

From the death of Tarquinius Prisons, to the death 
of Servius Tullius, the sixth king of Rome. 

[U. C. 179.] 

1. THE report of the murder of Tarquin, filled all 
his subjects with complaint and indignation, while 
the citizens ran from every quarter of the palace to 
learn the truth of the account, or to take vengeance 
on the assassins. In this tumult, Tanaquil, widow 
of the late king, considering the danger she must 
incur in case the conspirators should succeed to the 
crown, and desirous of having her son-in-law for 
his successor, with great art dissembled her sorrows 
as well as the king's death. 

2. She assured the people from one of the win- 
dows of the palace, that he was not killed but stun- 
ned by the blow ; that he would shortly recover ; 
and that, in the mean time, he had deputed his pow- 
er to Servius Tullius, his son-in-law. Servius ac- 
cordingly, as it had been agreed upon between them, 
issued from the palace* adorned with the ensigns of 
royalty, and preceded by his lictors, went to despatch 
some affairs, that related to the public safety, still pre- 
tending that he took all his instructions from the king. 

3. This scene of dissimulation continued for some 
days, till he had made his party good among the no- 
bles ; when the death of Tarquin being publicly as- 
certained, Servius came to the crown, solely at the 



24 THE HISTORY OF THE 

senate's appointment, and without attempting to gain 
the suffrages of the people. 

4. Servius was the son of a bondwoman, who had 
been taken at the sacking of a town belonging to the 
Latins, and was born whilst his mother w T as a slave. 
While yet an infant in his cradle, a lambent flame is 
said to have played round his head, which Tanaquil 
converted into an omen of his future greatness. 

5. Upon being acknowledged as king, the chief 
object of his reign was to increase the power 
of the senate, by depressing that of the people. The 
populace, who were unable to see into his designs, 
conferred upon him a full power of settling the taxes 
as he should think proper. And accordingly, as he 
insisted that they should pay their taxes by centuries, 
he commanded that they should give their votes in 
all public transactions by centuries also. 

6. In former deliberations each citizen gave hU 
suffrage singly, and the numbers of the poor always 
carried it against the power of the rich ; but by the 
regulations of Servius, the senate was made to con- 
sist of a greater number of centuries than all the 
other classes put together, and thus entirely out- 
weighed them in every contention. 

7. In order to ascertain the increase or decay of 
his subjects and their fortunes, he instituted another 
regulation, which he called a lustrum. By this all 
the citizens were to assemble in the Campus Martius, 
in complete armour, and in their respective classes, 
once in five years, and there to give an exact account 
of their families and fortune. 

8. Having thus enjoyed along reign spent in settling 
the domestic policy of the state, and also not inatten- 
tive to foreign concerns, he conceived reasonable 
hopes of concluding it with tranquillity and ease. 
He had even thoughts of laying down his power, 
and, having formed the kingdom into a republic, to 
retire into obscurity ; but so generous a design was 
frustrated ere it could be put into execution. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 25 

9. In the beginning of his reign, to secure his throne 
by every precaution he had married his two daughters 
to the two grandsons of Tarquin ; and as he knew 
that the women were of opposite dispositions as well 
as their intended husbands, he resolved to cross their 
tempers by giving them to him of a contrary turn oi 
temper : her that was meek and gentle, to him that 
was bold and furious : her that was ungovernable 
and proud, to him that was remarkable for a contrary 
character ; by this he supposed that each would cor- 
rect the failing of the other, and that the mixture 
would be productive of concord. The event how- 
ever proved otherwise. 

10. Lucius, his haughty son-in-law, soon grew 
displeased with the meekness of his consort, and pla- 
ced his whole affections upon Tullia, his brother's 
wife, who answered his passion with sympathetic ar- 
dour. As their wishes were ungovernable, they soon 
resolved to break through every restraint that offer- 
ed to prevent their union ; both undertook to mur- 
der their consorts, which they effected, and were ac- 
cordingly soon after married together. 

11. A first crime ever produces a second : from 
the destruction of their consorts, they proceeded to 
conspiring that of the king. They began by raising 
factions against him, by alledging his illegal title to 
the crown, and Lucius by claiming it as bis own, as 
heir to Tarquin. 

12. At length when he found the senate ripe for 
seconding his views, he entered the senate-house adorn- 
ed with all the ensigns of roj'alty, and, placing him- 
self upon the throne, began to harangue them upon 
the obscurity of the king's birth, and the injustice of 
his title. 

13. While he was yet speaking, Servius entered, 
Attended by a few followers, and seeing his throne 
thus rudely invaded, offered to push the usurper from 
his seat ; but Tarquin being in the vigour of youth, 
threw the old man down the steps which led to the 

3 B 



£6 THE HISTORY OF THE 

throne ; and some of his adherents, being instructed 
for that purpose, followed the king as he was feebly 
attempting to get to the palace, and despatched him 
by the way, throwing his body, all mangled and 
bleeding, as a public spectacle into the street. 

14. In tht mean time, Tullia, burning with impa- 
tience for the event, was informed of what her husband 
had done, and resolving to be among the first who 
should salute him as monarch, ordered her chariot to 
the senate-house : but as her charioteer approached 
the place where the old king her father's body lay ex- 
posed and bloody, the man, all amazed atthe inhuman 
spectacle, and not willing to trample upon it with 
his horses, offered to turn another way ; this only 
served to increase the fierceness of her anger ; she 
threw the footstool at his head and ordered him to 
drive over the dead body without hesitation. 

15. This was the end of Servius Tullius, a prince 
of eminent justice and moderation, after an useful 
and prosperous reign of forty-four years. 

CHAPTER VIIL 

From the death of Servius Tullius, to the banishment 
of Tarquinius Superbus, the seventh and last king 
of Rome 

[U. C. 220.] 

;* 1. LUCIUS TARQUINIUS, afterwards called 
Superbus, or the Proud, having placed himself upon 
the throne, in consequence of this violent attempt, 
was resolved to support his dignity with the same 
violence with which it was acquired. Regardless of 
the senate or the people's approbation, he seemed to 
claim the crown by an hereditary right, and refused 
the late king's body burial under pretence of his being 
an usurper. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 27 

2. All the good part of mankind, however, looked 
upon this accession with detestation and horror ; and 
'this act of inefficient cruelty only served to confirm 
their hatred. Conscious of this, he ordered all such 
as he suspected to have been attached to Servius to 
be put to death ; and fearing the natural consequen- 
ces of his tyranny, he increased the guard round his 
person. 

3. His chief policy seems to have been to keep 
the people always employed either in wars or pub- 
lic works, by which means he diverted their attention 
from his unlawful method of coming to the crown. 
He first marched against the Sabines, who refused 
to pay him obedience, and soon reduced them to 
submission. He next began a war with the Volsci, 
which continued for some ages after. 

4. The city of the Gabii gave him much more 
trouble ; for having attempted with some loss to be- 
siege it, he was obliged to direct his efforts by stra- 
tagem, contrary to the usual practice of the Romans. 
He caused his son Sextus to counterfeit desertion, 
upon pretence of barbarous usage, and to seek refuge 
among the inhabitants of the place. 

5. There, by artful complaints and studied la- 
mentations, he so prevailed on the pity of the people, 
as to be chosen their governor, and soon after general 
of their army. At first, in every engagement he ap- 
peared successful, till at length, finding himself en- 
tirely possessed of the confidence of the state, he sent 
a trusty messenger to his father for instructions. 
Tarquin made no other answer than by taking the 
messenger into the garden, where he cut down before 
him the tallest poppies. 

6. Sextus readily understood the meaning of this 
reply, and, one by one, found means to destroy or 
remove the principal men of the city, still taking care 
to confiscate their effects among the people. The 
charms of this dividend kept the giddy populace blind 
to their approaching ruin, till they found themselves 



28 THE HISTORY OF THE 

at last without counsellors or head, and in the end fell 
under the power of Tarquin, without even striking a 
blow. After this he made a league with the JEqui, 
and renewed that with the Etrurians. 

7. But while he was engaged in wars abroad, he 
took care not to suffer the people to continue in idle- 
ness at home. He undertook to build the capitol, 
the foundation of which had been laid in a former 
reign, and an extraordinary event contributed to has- 
ten the execution of his design. 

8. A woman in strange attire, made her appear- 
ance at Rome, and came to the king offering to sell 
nine books, which she said were of her own compo- 
sing. Not knowing the abilities of the seller, or that 
she was in fact one of the celebrated Sybils, whose 
prophecies were never found to fail, Tarquin refused 
to buy them. 

9. Upon this she departed, and burning three of 
her books, returned again, demanding the same price 
for the six remaining. Being once more despised 
as an impostor, she again departed, and burning 
three more, she returned with those remaining, still 
asking the same price as at first. 

10. Tarquin, surprised at the inconsistency of her 
behaviour, consulted the augurs, to advise him what 
to do. These much blamed him for not buying the 
nine, and commanded him to buy the three remain- 
ing at whatsoever price they were to be had. The 
woman, says the historian, after thus selling and de- 
livering the three prophetic volumes and advising 
him to have a special attention to what they contain- 
ed, vanished from before w him, and was never seen 
after. 

11. Upon this he chose proper persons to keep 
them, who, though but two at first, were afterward? 
increased to fifteen under the name of quindecemviri. 
They were put into a stone chest, and a vault in the 
newly designed building was thought the properest 
place to lodge them in safety. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. S$ 

12. The people having been four years together 
employed in building the capital, began at last to 
wish for something new to engage them ; wherefore 
Tarquin to satisfy their wishes proclaimed war 
against the Rutuli, upon a frivolous pretence of their 
having entertained some malefactors whom he had 
banished, and invested their chief city, Ardea, which 
lay about sixteen miles from Rome. ' 

13. While the army was encamped before this 
place, the king's son, Sextus, with Collatinus, a noble 
Roman, and some others, sat in a tent drinking to- 
gether ) the discourse happening to turn upon the 
beauty and virtue of their wives, each man praising 
his own, Collatinus offered to decide the dispute, by 
putting it to an immediate trial, whose wife should 
be found of the greatest beauty, and most sedulous- 
ly employed at that very hour. 

14. Being heated with wine, the proposal was 
relished by the whole company : and taking horse 
without delay, they posted to Rome, though the night 
was already pretty far advanced. There they found 
Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, not like other wo- 
men of her age, spending the time in ease and lux- 
ury, but spinning in the midst of her maids, and 
cheerfully portioning out their tasks, 

15. Her modest beauty, and the easy reception she 
gave her nusband and his friends, so charmed them 
all, that they unanimously gave her the preference ; 
and Sextus was so much inflamed that nothing but 
enjoyment could satisfy his passion. 

16. For that purpose he went from the camp to 
visit her privately a few days after, and received the 
same kind reception which he had met with before. 
As his intentions were not suspected, Lucretia sat 
with him at supper, and ordered a chamber to be got 
ready for him in the house. Midnight was the time 
which this ruffian thought it safest to put his designs 
into execution. 

17. Having found means to convey himself into 

3* 



30 THE HISTORY OF THE 

her chamber, he approached her bedside with a 
drawn sword, and rudely laying his hand upon her 
bosom, threatened her with instant death if she 
offered to resist his passion. 

18 Lucretia affrighted out of her sleep, and see- 
ing death so near, was yet inexorable to his desire, 
till being told, that if she would not yield, he would 
first kill her, and then laying his own slave also dead 
by her side, he would report that he had found and 
killed them both in the act of adultery. 

19. The terror of infamy achieved what that of 
death could not obtain ; she consented to his desire, 
and the next morning he returned to the camp ex- 
ulting in his brutal victory. In the mean time, Lu- 
cretia, detesting the light, and resolving not to par- 
don herself for the crime of another, sent for her hus- 
band Collatinus, and for Spurius her father, to 
come to her, as an indelible disgrace had befallen 
her family. 

20. These instantly obeyed the summons, bring- 
ing with them Valerius, a kinsman of her father's, 
and Junius Brutus, a reputed idiot, whose father 
Tarquin had murdered, and who had accidentally 
met the messenger by the way. Their arrival only 
served to increase Lucretia's poignant anguish ) they 
found her in a state of steadfast desperation, and 
vainly attempted to give her relief. 

21. " No, said she, never shall I find any thing 
" worth living for in this life after having lost my 
" honour. You see, my Collatinus a polluted wretch 
" before you ; one whose person has been the spoil 
" of another, but whose affections were never estran- 
" ged from you. 

22. " Sextus, under the pretended veil of friend- 
11 ship, has this night forced from me that treasure 
11 which death only can restore, but if you have the 
" hearts of men, avenge my cause, and let posterity 
" know, that she who has lost her virtue, hath only 
11 death for her best consolation." So saying, she 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 31 

drew a poignard from beneath her robe, and instantly 
plunging it into her bosom, expired without a 
groan. 

23. The whole company remained for some time 
fixed in sorrow, pity, and indignation; Spurius and 
Collatinus at length gave a vent to their grief in 
tears ; but Brutus drawing the poignard reeking from 
Lucretia's wound and lifting it towards heaven, 
" Be witness, ye gods," he cried, " that from this mo- 
" ment I proclaim myself the avenger of the chaste 
" Lucretia's cause : from this moment I profess my- 
" self the enemy of Tarquin and his lustful house ; 
" from henceforth this life, while life continues, shall 
u be employed in opposition to tyranny and for the 
11 happiness and freedom of my much loved coun- 
" try." 

24. A new amazement seized the hearers, to find 
him, whom they had hitherto considered as an idiot, 
now appearing in his real character, the friend A 
justice and of Rome. He told them, that tears and 
lamentations were unmanly when vengeance called 
so loud ; and delivering the poignard to the rest, im- 
posed the same oath upon them, which he himself 
had just taken. 

25. Junius Brutus was the son of Marcus Junius, 
a noble Roman, who was married to the daughter of 
Tarquinius Priscus ; and for that reason, through a 
motive of jealousy, was put to death by Tarquin the 
Proud. This Junius Brutus had received an excel- 
lent education from his father, and had, from nature, 
strong sense, and an inflexible attachment to virtue ; 
but perceiving that Tarquin had privately murdered 
his father and his eldest brother, he counterfeited 
himself a fool, in order to escape the same danger, 
and thence obtained the surname of Brutus. 

26. Tarquin thinking his folly real, despised the 
man; and having possessed himself of his estate, kept 
him as an idiot in his house, merely with a view of 
making sport for his children. 



32 THE HISTORY OF THE 

27. Brutus however only waited this opportunity 
to avenge the cause of his family. Wherefore, 
ordering Lucretia's dead body to be brought out to 
view, and exposed in the public forum, he inflamed 
the ardour of the citizens by a display of the horrid 
transaction. He obtained a decree of the Senate, 
that Tarquin and his family should be forever banish- 
ed from Rome, and that it should be capital for any 
to plead for or attempt his future return. 

28. Thus this monarch, who had now reigned 
tw r enty-five years, being expelled his kingdom, went 
to take refuge with his family at Cira, a little city of 
Etruria. In the mean time the Roman army made 
a truce with the enemy, and Brutus was proclaimed 
deliverer of the people. 



CHAPTER IX. 

From the banishment of Tarquin^ to the appointment 
of the first Dictator. 

[U. C. 245.] 

1. THE regal power being overthrown, a form of 
government nominally republican, was substituted in 
its room. The senate however, reserved by far the 
greatest share of the authority to themselves, and de- 
corated their own body with all the spoils of depo- 
sed monarch} 7 . The centuries of the people chose 
from among the senators, instead of a king, two an- 
nual magistrates, whom they called consuls, with 
power equal to that of the regal, and with the same 
privileges, and the same ensigns of authority. 

2. Brutus, the deliverer of his country, and Col- 
latinus the husband of Lucretia, were chosen first 
consuls in Rome. 

3. But this new republic, however, which seemed 
so grateful to the people, had like to have been de- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 33 

stroyed in its very commencement. A party was 
formed in Rome in favour of Tarquin. Some young 
men of the principal families in the state, who had 
been educated about the king, and had shared in all 
the luxuries o( the court, undertook to re-establish 
monarchy. 

4. This party secretly increased every day ; and, 
what may create our surprise, the sons of Brutus 
himself, and the Aquilii, the nephews of Collatinus, 
were among the number. Tarquin, who was in- 
formed of these intrigues in his favour, sent ambas- 
sadors from Etruria to Rome, under a pretence of 
reclaiming the crown, but in reality with a design to 
give spirit to his faction. 

5. But the whole conspiracy was discovered by a 
slave who had accidentally hid himself in the room 
where the conspirators used to assemble. Few situ- 
ations could have been more terribly affecting than 
that of Brutus, a father, placed as a judge upon the 
life and death of his own children, impelled by jus- 
tice to condemn, and by nature to spare them. 

6. The young men accused pleading nothing for 
themselves, but with conscious guilt, awaited their 
sentence in silence and agony. The other judges 
who were present, felt all the pangs of nature ; Col- 
latinus wept, and Valerius could not repress his sen- 
timents of pity. 

7. Brutus, alone seemed to have lost all the soft- 
ness of humanity, and with a stern countenance, and 
a tone of voice that marked his gloomy resolution, 
demanded of his sons, if they could make any defence 
to the crimes with which they had been charged. — 
This demand he made three several times ; but re- 
ceiving no answer, he at length turned himself to the 
executioner : " Now," cried he, " it is your part to 
perform the rest." 

^ 8. Thus saying, he again resumed his seat with an 
air of determined majesty; nor could all the senti- 
ments of paternal pitv, nor all the imploring looks of 

B 2 



THE HISTORY OF THE 

the people, nor yet the complaints of the young men 
who were preparing for execution, alter the tenor of 
his resolution. 

9. The executioners having stripped them naked, 
and then whipped them with rods, presently after be- 
headed them : Brutus all the time beholding the cru- 
el spectacle with a steady look and unaltered coun- 
tenance, while the multitude gazed on with all the 
sensations of pit}', terror, and admiration. 

10. All Tarquin's hopes of an insurrection in the 
city in his favour being thus overthrown, he was now 
resolved to force himself upon his former throne by 
foreign assistance, and to that end prevailed upon the 
Veians to assist him, and with a considerable army 
advanced towards Rome. 

11. The consuls were not remiss in 
U. C. preparations to oppose him. Valerius 
246. commanded the foot, and Brutus being 
appointed to head the cavalry, went out 
to meet him on the Roman borders. Aruns, the 
son of Tarquin who commanded the cavalry for his 
father, seeing Brutus at a distance, was resolved, by 
one great attempt, to decide the fate of the day, be- 
fore the engaging of the armies : w T herefore, spurring 
on his horse, he made towards him with ungoverna- 
ble fury. 

12. Brutus, who perceived his approach, singled 
out from the ranks to meet him, and both met with 
such rage, that eager only to assail, and thoughtless 
of defending, they both fell dead upon the field tc/- 
gether. A bloody battle ensued, with equal slaugh- 
ter on both sides : but the Romans remaining in 
possession of the field of battle, claimed the victory; 
in consequence, Valerius returned in triumph to 
Rome. 

13. In the meantime, Tarquin, no way intimida- 
ted by his misfortunes, prevailed upon Porsenna, 
one of the kings of Etruria, to espouse his cause, 
and in person undertake his quarrel, This prince, 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 35 

equally noted for courage and conduct, matched di- 
rectly to Rome, with a numerous army, and laid 
siege to the city, while the terror of his name and 
his arms filled all ranks of people with dismay. 

14. The siege was carried on with vigour : a furi- 
ous attack was made upon the place ; the two consuls 
opposed in vain, and were carried off wounded from 
the field ; while the Romans, flying in great conster- 
nation, were pursued by the enemy to the bridge, 
over which, both victors and vanquished were about 
to enter the city in the confusion. 

15. All now appeared lost and over, when Hora- 
tius Codes, who had been placed there as a centinel 
to defend it, opposed himself to the torrent of the 
enemy, and assisted only by two more, for some time 
sustained the whole fury of the assault, till the bridge 
was broken down behind him: when he found the 
communication thus cut off, plunging w T ith his arms 
into the torrent of the Tyber, he swam back victori- 
ous to his fellow soldiers, and was received with just 
applause. 

16. Still, how 7 ever, Porsenna was determined upon 
taking the city; and though five hundred of his men 
were slain in a sally of the Romans, he reduced it to 
the greatest straits; and turning the siege into a 
blockade, resolved to take it by famine. The dis- 
tress of the besieged soon began to be insufferable, 
and all things seemed to threaten a speedy surrender, 
when another act of fierce bravery, still superior to 
that which had saved the city before, again procured 
its safety and freedom. 

17. Mutius, a youth of undaunted courage, was 
resolved to rid his country of an enemy that so sorely 
continued to oppress it; and for this purpose, dis- 
guised in the habit of an Etrurian peasant, entered 
the camp of the enemy, resolving to die or to kill the 
king. With this resolution he made up to the place 
where torsenna was paying his troops with a secre- 
tary by his side ; but mistaking the latter for the 



36 THE HISTORY OF THE 

king, he stabbed him to the heart, and was immedi 
ately apprehended and brought back into the roval 
presence. 

18. Upon Porsenna's demanding who he was, and 
the cause of so heinoas an action, Mutius, without 
reserve, informed him of his country and his de^v* 
and at the same time thrusting his right hand h.*o a 
lire that was burning upon the altar before him, 
" You see," cried he, " how little I regard the severest 
u punishment your cruelty can inflict upon me, A 
" Roman knows not only how to act, but to suffer . 
u I am not the only person you have to fear : three 
u - hundred Roman youths like me have conspired 
" your destruction m T therefore prepare for their at- 
" tempts." 

19. Por senna, amazed at so much intrepidity y had 
too noble a mind not to acknowledge merit though 
found in an enemy ; lie therefore ordered him to be 
safely conducted back to Rome, and offered the be- 
sieged conditions of peace. These were readily ac- 
cepted on their side, being neither hard nor disgrace- 
ful, except that twenty hostages were demanded ; 
ten young men, and as many virgins, of the best 
families in Rome. 

20. But even in this instance also, as if the gentler 
sex were resolved to be sharers in the desperate va- 
lour of the times, Clelia, one of the hostages, escap- 
ing from her guards, and pointing out the way to the 
rest of her female companions, swam over the Ty- 
ber on horseback, amidst showers of darts from the 
enemy, and presented herself to the consul. 

21 . This magistrate, fearing the consequences of 
detaining her, had her sent back : upon which Por- 
senna, not to be outdone in generosity, not only gave 
her liberty, but permitted her to choose such o( the 
hostages of the opposite sex as she should think fit to 
attend her. On her part, she, with all the modesty 
of a Roman virgin ; chose only such as were under 



i 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 37 

fourteen, alledging, that their tender age was least 
capable of sustaining the rigours of slavery. 

22. Tarquin by means of his son-in-law, Manilius, 
once more stirred up the Latins to espouse his inter- 
est, and took the most convenient opportunity, when 
the Plebeians were at variance with the senators, 
concerning the payment of their debts. These refu- 
sed to go to war unless their debts were remitted 
upon their return : so that the consuls, finding their 
authority insufficient, offered the people to elect a 
temporary magistrate, who should have absolute 
power, not only over all ranks of state, but even over 
the laws themselves. 

23. To this the Plebeians readily consented, wil- 
ling to give up their own power for the sake of 
abridging that of their superiors. In consequence 
of this, Largius was created the first dictator of 
Rome ; for so was his high office called, being nomi- 
nated to it by his colleague in the consulship. 

24. Thus the people, who could not bear to hear 
the name of king even mentioned, readily submitted 
to a magistrate possessed of much greater power : so 
much do the names of things mislead us, and so little 
is any form of government irksome to the people 
when it coincides with their prejudices. 



CHAPTER X. 

From the creation of the first Dictator, to the election 
of the Tribunes of the People. 

[U. C. 255.] 

1. LARGIUS being now created dictator, enter- 
ed upon his office surrounded with his lictors, and all 
the ensigns of ancient royalty, and seated upon a 
throne in the midst of the people, ordered the levies 
to be made in the manner of the kings of Rome. 
4 



38 THE HISTORY OF TH*, 

The populace looked with terror upon a magistrate 
whom they had invested with uncontrolable power, 
and peaceably went each to range himself under his 
respective standard. Thus going forth to oppose 
the enemy, he returned with his army, and before 
his six months were expired, laid down the dictator- 
ship, with the reputation of having exercised it with 
blameless lenity. 

2. But, though for this time the people submitted 
to be led forth, yet they were resolved at last to free 
themselves from the yoke of their severe masters ; 
and though they could not get their complaints re- 
dressed, yet they determined to fly from those whom 
they could not move to compassion. The complaints 
therefore continuing, they resolved to quit a city 
which gave them no shelter, and to form a new es- 
tablishment without its limits. They therefore, under 
the conduct of a plebeian, named Sicinius Bellutus, 
retired to a mountain, from thence called Mons Sacer, 
on the banks of the river Anio, within about three 
miles from Rome. 

3. Upon the news of this defection the city was 
filled with tumult and consternation ; those who wish- 
ed well to the army made all the attempts they could 
to scale the walls in order to join it. The senate 
was not less agitated than the rest : some were for 
violent measures, and repelling force by force ; others 
were of opinion that gentler arts were to be used and 
that even a victory over such enemies would be worse 
than a defeat. 

4. At length, therefore, it was resolved to send a 
messenger, entreating the army to return home and 
declare their grievances, promising at the same time 
an oblivion of all that had passed. This message 
not succeeding, Menenius Agrippa, one of the wisest 
and best of the senators, was of opinion that the 
people were to be complied with. 

5. It was therefore resolved to enter into a treaty 
with the people, and to make them such offers as 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 39 

should induce them to return. Ten commissioners 
were accordingly deputed, at the head of whom were 
Largius and Valerius, who had been dictators, and 
Menenius Agrippa, equally loved by the senate and 
the people. The dignity and the popularity of these 
ambassadors procured them a very respectable re- 
ception among the soldiers, and a long conference 
began between them. 

6. Largius and Valerius employed all their ora- 
tory on the one hand ; while Sicinius and Lucius Ju- 
nius, who were the spokesmen of the soldiery, 
aggravated their distresses with all that masculine 
eloquence which is the child of nature. The con- 
ference had now continued for a long time, when 
Menenius Agrippa, who had been originally a ple- 
beian himself, a shrewd man, and who consequently 
knew what kind of eloquence was most likely to 
please the people, addressed them with that celebra- 
ted fable which is so finely told us by Livy. 

7. " In times of old, when every part of the body 
could think for itself, and each had a separate will of 
its own, they all, with common consent, resolved to 
revolt against the belly ; they knew no reason, they 
said, why they should toil from morning to night in 
its service, while the belly in the mean time lay at its 
ease in the midst of them all, and indolently grew fat 
upon their labours ^ accordingly, one and all, they 
agreed to befriend it no more. 

8. The feet vowed they would carry it no longer; 
the hands vowed they would feed it no longer ; and 
the teeth averred they would not chew a morsel of 
meat though it were placed between them. Thus 
resolved, they all for some time shewed their spirit, 
and kept their word ; but soon they found, that in- 
stead of mortifying the belly by these means, they 
only undid themselves ; they languished for a while, 
and perceived when too late, that it was owing to 
the belly that they had strength to work, or courage 
Jo mutiny." 



40 THE HISTORY OF THE 

9. This fable, the application of which is obvious, 
had an instantaneous effect upon the people. They 
unanimously cried out that Agrippa should lead them 
back to Rome ; and were making preparations to 
follow him. when Lucius Junius, before mentioned, 
withheld them : alledging, that though they were 
grateful to acknowledge the kind offers of the senate, 
yet they had no safeguard for the future against their 
resentment; that therefore it was necessary for the 
security of the people, to have certain officers created 
annually from among themselves, who should have 
power to give such of them as should be injured re- 
dress, and plead the cause of the community. 

10. The people, who are ever of opinion with the 
last speaker, highly applauded this proposal ; which 
yet the commissioners had not power to comply 
with ; they therefore sent to Rome to take the in- 
structions of the senate, who, worried with divisions 
among themselves, and harrassed by complaints 
from without, were resolved to have peace at what- 
soever price it should be obtained : accordingly as if 
with one voice, they consented to the creation of 
their new officers, who were called Tribunes of the 
People, Appius alone protesting with vehemence 
against the measure. 

11. The tribunes of the people were at first five in 
number, though afterwards their body was increased 
to five more; they were always annually elected by 
the people, and almost always from their body. 
They at first had their seats placed before the door 
of the senate-house, and being called in, they were 
to examine every decree, annulling it by the word 
veto, I forbid it; or confirming it by signing the 
letter T, which gave it its validity. 

12. This new office being thus instituted, Sicinus 
Bellutus, Lucius Junius, Caius Lucinius, Albinus, 
and Icilius Ruga, were the first tribunes chosen by 
the suffrages of the people. The senate also made 
an edict confirming the abolition of debts; and now 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 41 

all things being adjusted, both on the one side and 
the other, the people after having sacrificed to the 
gods of the mountain, returned back once more in 
triumph to Rome, 



CHAPTER XL 

From the creation of the Tribunes to the appointment 
of the Decemviri. 

[U. C. 260.] 

1. DURING the late separation, all tillage had 
been entirely neglected, and a famine was the conse- 
quence the ensuing season. The senate did all that 
lay in their power to remedy the distress ; but the 
people, pinched with want, and willing to throw the 
blame on any but themselves, ascribed the whole of 
their distress to the avarice of the patricians, who 
having purchased all the corn, as was alledged, in- 
tended to indemnify themselves for the abolition of 
debts, by selling it out to great advantage, 

2. But abundance soon after appeased them for a 
time. A large fleet of ships laden with corn from 
Sicily, (a great part of which was a present from 
Gelon, the king of that country, to the Romans, and 
the rest purchased by the senate with the public mo- 
ney) raised their spirits once more. 

3. But Coriolanus incurred their resentment, by 
insisting that it should not be distributed till the grie- 
vances of the senate were removed. For this the 
tribunes summoned him to a trial before the people. 

4. When the appointed day was come all persons 
were filled with the greatest expectations, and a vast 
concourse from the adjacent country assembled and 
filled up the forum. Coriolanus upon this presented 
himself before the people, with a degree of intrepid- 
ity that merited better fortune. 

4* 



42 THE HISTORY OF THE 

5. His graceful person, his persuasive eloquence, 
the cries of those whom he had saved from the ene- 
my, inclined the auditors to relent. But being una- 
ble to answer what was alledged against him to the 
satisfaction of the people, and utterly confounded 
with a new charge of having embezzled the plunder 
of Antium, the tribunes immediately took the votes, 
and Coriolanus was condemned to perpetual exile. 

6. This sentence against their bravest defender 
struck the whole body of the senate with sorrow, con- 
sternation, and regret. Coriolanus alone, in the 
midst of the tumult, seemed an unconcerned specta- 
tor. He returned home, followed by the lamenta- 
tions of hundreds of the most respectable senators 
and citizens of Rome, to take a lasting leave of his 
wife, his children, and his mother, Veturia. Thus 
recommending his little children to their care, and all 
to the care of heaven, he left the city without follow- 
ers or fortune, to take refuge with Tullus Attius, a 
man of great power among the Volscians, who took 
him under his protection, and espoused his quarrel. 

7. The first thing to be done, was to induce the 
Volsci to break the league which had been made 
with Rome, and for this purpose Tullus sent many 
of his citizens thither, in order to see some games at 
that time celebrating; but in the mean time g^vethe 
senate private information that the strangers had 
dangerous intentions of burning the city. This had 
the desired effect; the senate issued an order, that all 
strangers, whoever they were, should depart from 
Rome before sunset. 

8. This order Tullus represented to his country- 
men as an infraction of the treaty, and procured an 
embassy to Rome, complaining of the breach, and 
re-demanding all the territories belonging to the Vol- 
scians, of which they had been violently dispossessed, 
declaring war in case of a refusal ; but this message 
was treated by the senate with contempt. 

9. War being thus declared on both sides, Corio- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 43 

lanus and Tullus were made generals of the Vol- 
scians, and accordingly invaded the Roman territo- 
ries, ravaging and laying waste all such lands as 
belonged to the Plebeians, but letting those of the 
senators remain untouched. In the mean time the 
levies went on but slowly at Rome. The two con- 
suls, who were re-elected by the people, seemed but 
little skilled in war, and even feared to encounter a 
general whom they knew to be their superiour in the 
field. 

10. The allies also showed their fears, and slowly 
brought in their succours ; so that Coriolanus con- 
tinued to take their towns one after the other. For- 
tune followed him in every expedition; and he was 
now so famous for his victories, that the Volsci left 
their towns defenceless to follow him into the field. 
The very soldiers of his colleague's army came over 
to him, and would acknowledge no other general. 

11. Thus finding himself unopposed in the field, 
and at the head of a numerous army, he at length in- 
vested the city of Rome itself, fully resolved to be- 
siege it. It was then that the senate and the people 
unanimously agreed to send deputies to him with 
proposals of restoration, in case he should draw off 
his army. Coriolanus received their proposals at 
the head of his principal officers, and with the stern- 
ness of a general that was to give the law, refused 
their offers. 

12. Another embassy was now sent forth, conjur- 
ing him not to exact from his native city aught but 
what became Romans to grant. Coriolanus, how- 
ever, naturally inflexible and severe, still persisted 
in his former demands, and granted them but three 
days, in which to finish their deliberations. In this 
exigence, all that was left was another deputation, 
still more solemn than either of the former, composed 
of the pontiffs, the priests, and the augurs. These, 
clothed in their habits of ceremony, and with a 
grave and mournful deportment, issued from the city, 



44 THE HISTORY OF THE 

and entered the camp of the conqueror ; but all in 
vain; they found him severe and inflexible as before. 

13. When the people saw them return ineffectually, 
they began to give up the commonwealth as lost. 
Their temples were filled with old men, with women 
and children, who, prostrate at their altars, put up their 
ardent prayers for the preservation of their country. 
Nothing was to be heard but anguish and lamenta- 
tion ; nothing to be seen but scenes of affright and 
distress. At length it was suggested to them, that 
what could not be effected by the intercession of the 
senate, or the adjuration of the priests, might be 
brought about by the tears of his wife, or the com- 
mands of his mother. 

14. This deputation seemed to be. relished by all ; 
and even the senate itself gave it the sanction of their 
authority. Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus at 
first made some hesitation to undertake so pious a 
work, knowing the inflexible temper of her son, and 
fearing only to show his disobedience in a new point 
of light by rejecting the commands of a parent : 
however, she at last undertook the embassy, and 
set forward from the city, accompanied by many 
of the principal matrons of Rome, with Volumnia 
his wife, and his two children. 

15. Coriolanus, who at a distance discovered this 
mournful train of females, was resolved to give them 
a denial, and called his officers round him to be 
witness of his resolution ; but when told that his mo- 
ther and his wife were among the number, he in- 
stantly came down from his tribunal to meet and 
embrace them. At first, the women's tears and em- 
braces took away the power of words ; and the rough 
soldier himself hard as he was, could not refrain 
from sharing in their distress. 

16. Coriolanus now seemed much agitated by 
contending passions ; while his mother who saw him 
moved, seconded her words by the most persuasive 
eloquence, her tears : his wife and children hung 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 45 

round him entreating for protection and pity ; while 
her fair train, her companions, added their lamen- 
tations, and deplored their own and their country's 
distress. 

17. Coriolanus for a moment was silent, feeliiag 
the strong conflict between honour and inclination ; 
at length, as if roused from his dream, he flew to 
take up his mother, who had fallen at his feet, cry- 
ing out, " O my mother, thou hast saved Rome, but 
lost thy son." He accordingly gave orders to draw 
off the army, pretending to the officers that the city 
was too strong to be taken. Tullus, who had 
long envied his glory, was not remiss in aggravating 
the lenity of his conduct to his countrymen. Upon 
their return Coriolanus was slain in an insurrection 
of the people, and afterwards honourably buried, 
with late and ineffectual repentance. 

18. Great and many were the public rejoicings at 
Rome upon the retreat of the Volscian army ; but 
they were clouded soon after by the intrigues of 
Spurius Cassius, who, wanting to make himself 
despotic by means of the people, was found guilty 
of a number of crimes, all tending towards altering 
the constitution, and was thrown headlong from the 
Tarpeian rock, by those very people whose in- 
terests he had endeavoured to extend. 

19. The year following, the two consuls of the 
former year Manlius and Fabius, w T ere cited by the 
tribunes to appear before the people. The Agrari- 
an law, which had been proposed some time before, 
for equally dividing the lands of the cc ~ ion7> 7 ealth 
among the people, was the object invariably pursu- 
ed, and they were accused of having made unjusti- 
fiable delays in putting it off. 

20. It seems, the Agrarian law was a grant the 
senate could not think of giving up to the people. 
The consuls therefore made many delays and excu- 
ses, till at length they were once more obliged to 
have recourse to a dictator, and they fixed upon 



46 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Quintus Cincinnatus, a man, who had for some time 
given up all views of ambition, and retired to his 
little farm, where the deputies of the senate found 
him holding the plough, and dressed in the mean at- 
tire of a labouring husbandman. 

21. He appeared but little elevated with the ad- 
dresses of ceremony, and the pompous habits they 
brought him ; and upon declaring to him the senate's 
pleasure, he testified rather a concern that his aid 
should be wanted : he naturally preferred the charms 
of a country retirement to the fatiguing splendours 
of office, and only said to his wife, as they were 
leading him away, " I fear, my Attilla, that for this 
11 year our little fields must remain unsown." Thus 
taking a tender leave, he departed for the city, where 
both parties were strongly inflamed against each 
other. 

22. However, he was resolved to side with neither: 
but by a strict attention to the interests of his 
country, instead of gaining the confidence of faction 
to seize the esteem of all. Thus by threats, and well 
timed submission, he prevailed upon the tribunes to 
put off their law for a time, and carried himself so 
as to be a terror to the multitude whenever they re- 
fused to enlist ; and their greatest encourager, when- 
ever their submission deserved it. Thus having re- 
stored that tranquillity to the people which he so 
much loved himself, he again gave up the splendours 
of ambition, to enjoy it with a greater relish in his 
little farm. 

23. Cincinnatus was not long retired 
U. C. from his office when a fresh exigence of 
295. the state once more required his assis- 
tance ; the ^Equi and the Volsci, who, 
though still worsted still were for renewing the war, 
made new inroads into the territories of Rome. 
Minutius, one of the consuls who succeeded Cincin- 
natus, was sent to oppose them : but being natural- 
ly timid, and rather more afraid of being conquered 



COMMONWEALTH OF HOME. 47 

than desirous of victory, his army was driven into a 
defile between two mountains, from which, except 
through the enemy, there was no egress. 

24. This, however, the JEqui had precaution to 
fortify, by which the Roman army was so hemmed 
in on every side, that nothing remained but submis- 
sion to the enemy, famine, or immediate death. 
Some knights who found means of getting away 
privately through the enemy's camp, were the first that 
brought the account of this disaster to Rome. No- 
thing could exceed the consternation of all ranks of 
people when informed of it ; the senate at first 
thought of the other consul ; but not having suffi- 
cient experience of his abilities, they unanimously 
turned their eyes upon Cincinnatus, and resolved to 
make him dictator. 

25. Cincinnatus the only person on whom Rome 
could now place her whole dependence, was found, 
as before, by the messengers of the senate, labouring 
in his little field with cheerful industry. He was at 
first astonished at the ensigns of unbounded power, 
with which the deputies came to invest him ; but still 
more at the approach of the principal of the senate, 
who came out to meet him. 

26. A dignity so unlooked for, however, had no 
effect upon the simplicity or the integrity of his man- 
ners : and being now possessed of absolute power, 
and called upon to nominate his master of the horse, 
he chose a poor man named Tarquitius, one who 
like himself despised riches when they lead to disho- 
nour. Thus the saving a great nation was devolved 
upon an husbandman taken from the plough, and an 
obscure sentinel found among the dregs of the army. 

27. Upon entering the city, the dictator put on a 
serene look, and entreated all those who were able to 
bear arms to repair before sunset to the Campus 
Martins (the place where the levies were made) with 
necessary arms and provisions for five days. He put 
himself at the head of these and rnar^Iyng all night 



48 THE HISTORY OF THE 

with great expedition, he arrived before day within 
sight of the enemy. Upon his approach, he ordered 
his soldiers to raise a loud shout, to apprise the con- 
sul's army of the relief that was at hand. 

28. The i£qui were not a little amazed when they 
saw themselves between two enemies, but still more 
when they perceived Cincinnatus making the strong- 
est entrenchments beyond them, to prevent their es- 
cape, and inclosing them as they had enclosed .he 
consul. To prevent this, a furious combat ensued ; 
but the JEqui being attacked on both sides, and un- 
able to resist or fly, begged a cessation of arms. 

29. They offered the dictator his own terms ; he 
gave them their lives ; but obliged them, in token 
of servitude, to pass under the yoke, which was two 
spears set upright, and another across, in form of a gal- 
lows, beneath which the vanquished were to march. 
Their captains and generals he made prisoners of 
war, being reserved to adorn his triumph. As for 
the plunder of the enemy's camp, that he gave en- 
tirely up to his own soldiers, without reserving any 
part for himself, or permitting those of the delivered 
army to have a share. 

30. Thus having rescued a Roman army from 
inevitable destruction, having defeated a powerful 
enemy, having taken and fortified their city, and still 
more, having refused any part of the spoil, he resign- 
ed his dictatorship after having enjoyed it but four- 
teen days. The senate would have enriched him, 
but he declined their proffers, choosing to retire once 
more to his farm and cottage, content with temper- 
ance and fa ae. 

31. But this repose from foreign invasion did not 
lessen the tumults of the city within. The clamours 
for the Agrarian law still continued, and still more 
fiercely, when Siccius Dentatus a plebeian, advanced 
in years, but of an admirable person and military 
deportment came forward to enumerate his hardships 
and his merk£ This old soldier made no scruple of 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 49 

extolling the various achievements of his youth : but 
indeed his merits supported ostentation. 

32. He had served his country in the wars forty 
years : he had been an officer thirty, first a centu 
rion, and then a tribune ; he had fought one 
hundred and twenty battles ; in which by the force 
of his single arm, he had saved a multitude of lives ; he 
had gained fourteen civic, three mural, and eight 
golden crowns, besides eighty-three chains, sixty 
bracelets, eighteen gilt spears, and twenty-three 
horse trappings, whereof nine were for killing the 
enemy" in single combat ; moreover he had received 
forty-five wounds all before, and none benind. 

33. These were his honours; yet notwithstanding 
all this, he had never received any share of those 
lands which were won from the enemy, but continued 
to draw on a life of poverty and contempt, while others 
were possessed of those very territories which his 
valour had won, without any merit to deserve them, 
or ever having contributed to the conquest. A case 
of so much hardship had a strong effect upon the 
multitude ; they unanimously demanded that the. law 
might be passed, and that such merit should not go 
unrewarded. 

34. It was in vain that some of the senators rose 
up to speak against it ; their voices were drowned by 
the cries of the people. When reason therefore could 
no longer be heard, passion as usual succeeded ; and 
the young patricians running furiously into the 
throng, broke the balloting urns, and dispersed the 
multitude that offered to oppose them. For this the> 
were some time afterwards fined by the tribunes, but 
their resolution nevertheless for the present, p T a off 
the Agrarian law. 

C 



50 THE HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER. XII. 

From the creation of the Decemviri, to the extinction 
of that office. 

[U. C. 302.] 

1. THE commonwealth of Rome had now for 
near sixty years been fluctuating between the con- 
tending orders that composed it, till at length each 
side, as if weary, were willing to respire a while 
from the mutual exertions of their claims. The citi- 
zens, now therefore of every rank, began to com- 
plain of the arbitrary decisions of their magistrates, 
and wished to be guided by a written body of laws, 
which being known, might prevent wrongs as well 
as punish them. In this, both the senate and the 
people concurred, as hoping that such laws would 
put an end to the commotions that so long had har- 
rassed the state. 

2. It was thereupon agreed that ambassadors 
should be sent to the Greek cities in Italy, and to 
Athens, to bring home such laws from thence, as by 
experience had been found most equitable and useful. 
For this purpose three senators, Posthumius, Sulpi- 
cius, and Manlius, were fixed upon and gallies 
assigned to convey them agreeable to the majesty of 
the Roman people. 

3. While they were upon this commission abroad, a 
dreadful plague depopulated the city at home, and sup*. 
pliea the interval of their absence with other anxiety 
than that of wishes for their return. In about a year 
the plague ceased and the ambassadors returned, 
bringing home a body of laws collected from the 
inosf civilized states "of Greece and Italy, which 
being afterwards formed into ten tables, and two 
more being added, made that celebrated code, call 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 51 

ed the laws of the Twelve Tables, many fragments 
of which remain to this day. 

4. The ambassadors were no sooner returned, 
than the tribunes required t'hat a body of men should 
be chosen to digest their new laws into proper form, 
and to give weight to the execution of them. After 
long debates whether this choice should not be 
partly made from the people as well as the patri- 
cians, it was at last agreed that ten of the principal 
senators should be elected, whose power, continuing 
for a year, should be equal to that of kings and 

^consuls, and that without any appeal. 

5. The persons chosen were Appius, and Genu- 
tius, who had been elected consuls for the ensuing 
year ; Posthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, the three 
ambassadors ; Sextus and Romulus, former consuls; 
with Julius, Veturius, and Horatius, senators of the 
first consideration. Thus the whole constitution o. 
the state at once took a new form, and a dreadful ex- 
periment was going to be tried, of governing one 
nation by laws formed from the manners and customs 
of another. 

6. The decemviri, being now invested with abso- 
lute power agreed to take the reins of government by 
turns, and that each should dispense justice for a 
day. 

7. These magistrates for the first year wrought 
with extreme application ; and their work being 
finished it was expected they would be contented to 
give up their offices : but having known the charms 
of power, they were now unwilling to resign it; 
they therefore pretended that some laws were yet 
wanting to complete their design, and entreated the 
senate for a continuance of their offices ; to which 
that body assented. 

8. But they soon threw off the mask of modera- 
tion, and regardless either of the approbation of the 
senate or the people, resolved to continue themselves, 
against all order, in the decemvirate. A conduct so 



52 THE HISTORY OF THE 

notorious produced discontents, and these were as 
sure to produce fresh acts of tyranny. The city was 
become almost a desert with respect to all who had 
any thing to lose, and the decemviri's rapacity was 
then only discontinued, when they wanted fresh 
objects to exercise it upon. 

9. In this state of slavery, proscription, and mu- 
tual distrust, not one citizen was found to strike for 
his country's freedom; these tyrants continued to 
rule without controui, being constantly guarded, not 
with their lictors alone, but a numerous crowd of 
dependents, clients, and even patricians, whom their 
vices had confederated round them. 

10. In this gloomy situation of the state, the iEqui 
and Volsci, those constant enemies of the Romans^ 
undertook their incursions^ resolved to profit by the 
intestine divisions of the people, and advanced with- 
in about ten miles of Rome. 

11. But the decemviri being put in possession of 
all the miiitaiy, as well as of the civil power, divided 
their army into three parts; whereof one continued 
with Appius in the city to keep it in awe ; the other 
two were commanded by his colleagues, and were 
led, one against the JEqui, and the other against the 
Sabines. The Roman soldiers had now got into a 
method of punishing the generals whom they disliked, 
by suffering themselves to be vanquished in the field. 
They put it in practice on this occasion, and shame- 
fully abandoned their camp upon the approach of the 
enemy* 

12. Never was the news of a victory more joyful- 
ly received at Rome than the tidings of this defeat , 
the generals as is alwa}*s the case, were blamed for 
the treachery of their men ; some demanded that they 
should be deposed, others cried out for a dictator to 
lead the troops to conquest ; but among the rest, old 
Siccius Dentatus, the tribune, spoke his sentiments 
with his usual openness ; and treating the generals 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 53 

With contempt, showed all the faults of their disci- 
pline in the camp, and their conduct in the field. 

13. Appius in the mean time was not remiss m 
observing the disposition of the people. Dentatus 
in particular was marked out for vengeance, and 
under pretence of doing him particular honour, he was 
appointed legate, and put at the head of the supplies 
which were sent from Rome to reinforce the army. 
The office of legate was held sacred among the Ro- 
mans, as in it were united the authority of a general 
with the reverence due to the priesthood. 

14. Dentatus, no way suspecting his design, went 
to the camp with alacrity, where he was received 
with all the external marks of respect. But the ge- 
nerals soon found means of indulging their desire of 
revenge. He was appointed at the head of an hun- 
dred men to go and examine a more commodious 
place for encampment, as he had very candidly as- 
sured the commanders that their present situation 
was wrong. 

15. The soldiers, however, who w T ere given as his 
attendants, were assassins ; wretches who had long 
been ministers of the vengeance of the decemviri, and 
who now engaged to murder him, though with all 
those apprehensions, which his reputation as he was 
called the Roman Achilles, might be supposed to in- 
spire. With these designs they led him from the 
way into the hollow bosom of a retired mountain, 
where they began to set upon him from behind. 

16. Dentatus now too late perceived the treachery 
of the decemviri, and was resolved to sell his life as 
dearly as he could : he therefore put his back to a 
rock, and defended himself against those who pressed 
most closely. Though now grown old, he had still 
the remains of his former valour, and killed no less 
than fifteen of the assailants, and wounded thirty w T ith 
his own hand. The assailants now therefore terri- 
fied at his amazing bravery, showered in their jave- 

5* 



54 THE HISTORY OF THE 

lins upon him at a distance, all which he received in 
his shield with undaunted resolution. 

17. The combat, though so unequal in numbers, 
was managed for some time with doubtful success, 
till at length his assailants bethought themselves of 
ascending the rock against which he stood, and thus 
poured down stones upon him from above. This 
succeeded, the old soldier fell beneath their united 
efforts, after having shown, by his death, that he 
owed it to his fortitude, and not his fortune, that he 
had come off so many times victorious. The decem- 
viri pretended to join in the general sorrow for so 
brave a man, and decreed him a faneral with the first 
military honours ; but the greatness of their apparent 
distress, compared with their known hatred, only 
rendered them still more detestable to the people. 

18. But a transaction still more atrocious than the 
former served to inspire the citizens with a resolution 
to break all measures of obedience, and at last to 
restore freedom. Appius, who still remained at 
Rome, sitting one day on his tribunal to dispense 
justice, saw a maiden of exquisite beauty, and aged 
about fifteen, passing to one of the public schools, 
attended by a matron, her nurse. The charms of 
this damsel, heightened by all the innocence of virgin 
modesty, caught his attention and fired his heart. 

19. The day following, as she passed, he found 
her still more beautiful than before, and his breast 
still more inflamed. He now r therefore resolved to 
obtain the gratification of his passion, whatever 
should be the consequence, and found means to in- 
form himself of the virgin's name and family. Her 
name was Virginia ; she was the daughter of Virgi- 
nius, a centurion, then with the army in the field, and 
had been contracted to Icilius, formerly a tribune of 
the people, who had agreed to marry her at the end 
of the present campaign. 

20. Appius at first resolved to break this match 
and to espouse her himself; but the laws of the 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 55 

Twelve Tables had forbidden the patricians to inter- 
marry with the plebeians ; and he could not infringe 
these, as he was the enactor of them. Nothing there- 
fore remained but a criminal enjoyment, which, as 
he was long used to the indulgence of his passions, 
he resolved to obtain. After having vainly tried to 
corrupt the fidelity of her nurse, he had recourse to 
another expedient still more guilty. 

21. He pitched upon one Claudius, who had long 
been the minister of his pleasures, to assert the beau- 
tiful maid was his slave, and to refer the cause r to his 
tribunal for decision. Claudius behaved exactly 
according to his instructions, for entering into the 
school where Virginia was playing among her female 
companions, he seized upon her as his property, and 
was going to drag her away by force, but was pre- 
vented by the people drawn together by her cries. 

22. At length, after the first heat of opposition was 
over, he led the weeping virgin to the tribunal of 
Appius, and there plausibly exposed his pretensions. 
He asserted that she was born in his house of a female 
slave, who sold her to the wife of Virginius, who 
had been barren; that he had several credible eviden- 
ces to prove the truth of what he said : but that until 
they could come together, it was reasonable the slave 
should be delivered into his custody, being her pro- 
per master. 

23. Appius seemed to be struck with the justice 
of his claims : he observed, that if the reputed father 
himself w r ere present, he might indeed be willing to 
delay the delivery of the maiden for some time, but 
that it was not lawful for him in the present case to 
detain her from her lawful master. He therefore 
adjudged her to Claudius, as his slave, to be kept by 
him till Virginius should be able to prove his pater- 
nity. 

24. This sentence was received with loud cla- 
mours and reproaches by the multitude : the women 
in particular came round the innocent Virginia, as if 



B& THE HISTORY OF THE 

willing to protect her from the judge's fury, while 
Icilius, her lover, boldly opposed the decree, and 
obliged Claudius to take refuge under the tribunal of 
the decemvir. 

25. All things now threatened an open insurrec- 
tion, when Appius, fearing the event, thought proper 
to suspend his judgment till the arrival of Virginius, 
who was then about eleven miles from Rome with 
the army. The day following was fixed for the 
trial, and in the mean time Appius sent letters to the 
generals to confine Virginius, as his arrival in town 
might only serve to kindle sedition among the people. 
These letters, however, were intercepted by the cen- 
turion's friends, who sent him down a full relation of 
the design laid against the liberty and the honour of 
his only daughter. — 

26. Virginius upon this pretending the death of a 
near relation, got permission to leave the camp, and 
flew to Rome, inspired with indignation and revenge. 
Accordingly the next day, he appeared before the 
tribunal, to the astonishment of Appius, leading his 
weeping daughter by the hand, both habited in the 
deepest mourning. Claudius, the accuser, was also 
there, and began by making his demand. 

27. Virginius next spoke in turn; he represented 
that his wife had many children ; that she had been 
seen pregnant by numbers : that if he had intentions 
of adopting a suppositious child, he wo.uld have fixed 
upon a boy rather than a girl ; that it was notorious 
to all that his wife had herself suckled her own child; 
and that it was surprising such a claim should be now 
revived after a fifteen years discontinuance. 

28. While the father spoke this with a stern air 
Virginia stood trembling by, and with looks of per- 
suasive innocence, added weight to all his remon- 
strances. The people seemed entirely satisfied of 
the hardship of his case, till Appius, fearing what he 
said might have dangerous effects upon the multitude, 
interrupted him, under a pretence of being sufficient 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 57 

\y instructed in the merits of the cause. " Yes," 
says he, " my conscience obliges me to declare, 
" that I myself am witness to the truth of the depo- 
u sition of Claudius. 

29. Most of this assembly know, that I was left 
" guardian to this youth; and I was very early ap- 
" prized that he had a right to this young woman : 
" but the affairs of the public, and the dissentions of 
" e the people, then prevented me doing him justice. 
" However, it is not now too late: and, by the power 
" vested in me for the public good, I adjudge Vir- 
" ginia to be the property of Claudius, the plaintiff. 
" Go therefore lictors, disperse the multitude, and 
" make room for a master to repossess himself of his 
« slave." 

30. The lictors, in obedience to his command, 
soon drove off the throng that pressed round the 
tribunal ; and now they seized upon Virginia, and 
were delivering her up into the hands of Claudius, 
when Virginius, who found that all was over, seemed 
to acquiesce in the sentence. He therefore mildly 
intreated Appius to be permitted to take a last fare- 
well of one whom he had long considered as his 
child, and so satisfied, he would return to his duty 
with fresh alacrity. With this the decemvir com- 
plied, but upon condition that their endearments 
should pass in his presence. 

31. Virginius, with the most poignant anguish, 
took his almost expiring daughter in his arms, for a 
while supported her head upon his breast, and wiped 
away the tears that rolled down her lovely visage ; 
and happening to be near the shops that surrounded 
the Forum, he snatched up a knife that lay on the 
shambles, and addressing his daughter, " My dear- 
est lost child," cried he, " this, this alone can pre- 
serve your honour and your freedom." 

32. So saying, he buried the weapon in her breast, 
and then holding it up reeking with the blood of his 
daughter, " Appius," he cried, " by this blood of 



58 THE HISTORY OF THE 

" innocence, I devote thy head to the infernal gods." 
Thus saying, with the bloody knife in his hand, and 
threatening destruction to whomsoever should op- 
pose him, he ran through the city, wildly calling 
upon the people to strike for freedom, and from 
thence went to the camp, in order to spread a like 
flame through the army. 

33. He no sooner arrived at the camp, followed 
by a number of his friends, but he informed the army 
of all that was done, still holding the bloody knife 
in his hand. He asked their pardon, and the par- 
don of their gods, for having committed so rash an 
action, but ascribed it all to the dreadful necessity of 
the times. The army, already predisposed, imme- 
diately with shouts echoed their approbation ; and 
decamping, left their generals behind to take their 
station once more upon mount Aventine, whither 
they retired about forty years before. The other, 
which had been to oppose the Sabines, seemed to 
feel a like resentment, and came over in large par- 
ties to join them. 

34. Appius in the mean time did all he could to 
quell the disturbances in the city ; but finding the 
tumult incapable of controul, and perceiving that his 
mortal enemies, Valerius and Horatius, were the 
most active in opposition, at first attempted to find 
safety by flight; nevertheless, being ercouraged by 
Oppius, who was one of his colleagues, he ventured 
to assemble the senate, and urged the punishment of 
all deserters. 

35. The senate, however, were far from giving the 
relief he sought for ; they foresaw the dangers and 
miseries that threatened the state in case of opposing 
the incensed army ; they therefore despatched mes* 
sengers to them, offering to restore their former mode 
of government. To this proposal all the people 
joyfully assented, and the army gladly obeyed, now 
returning to the city, if not with the ensigns, at least 
with the pleasure of a triumphant entry. Appius, 



i 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 59 

and Oppius one of his colleagues, both died by their 
own hands in prison. The other eight decemvirs 
went into voluntary exile; and Claudius, the pre- 
tended master of Virginia, was driven out after 
them. 

36. In the mean time, these intestine tumults pro- 
duced weakness within the state and confidence in 
the enemy abroad. — The wars with the iEqui and 
Volsci still continued ; and as each year some tri- 
fling advantages were obtained over the Romans, 
they at last advanced so far as to make their incur- 
sions to the very walls of Rome. 

37. But not the courage only of the 
Romans seemed diminished by these con- U, C. 
quests, but their other virtues also, parti- 309. 
cularly their justice. About this time the 
inhabitants of two neighbouring cities, Ardea and 
Aricia, had a contest between themselves about some 
lands that had long been claimed by both. At 
length, being unable to agree, they referred it to the 
senate and the people of Rome. 

3S. The senate had yet some of the principles of 
primitive justice remaining, and refused to determine 
the dispute. But the people readily undertook the 
decision; and one Scaptius, an old man, declaring 
that these very lands of right belonged to Rome, 
they immediately voted themselves to be the legal 
possessors, and sent home the former litigants, tho- 
roughly convinced "f their own folly, and of the 
Roman injustice. 

39. The tribunes now grew more turbulent ; they 
proposed two laws, one to permit Plebeians to inter- 
marry with Patricians, and the other to permit them 
to be admitted to the consulship also. The senators 
received these proposals with indignation, and seem- 
ed resolved to undergo the utmost extremities rather 
than submit to enact them. However, finding their 
resistance only to increase the commotions of the 
state, they at last consented to pass the law concern- 



60 THE HISTORY OF THE 

ing marriages, hoping that this concession would 
satisfy the people. 

40. But they were to be appeased but for a short 
time, for returning to their old custom of refusing to 
enlist upon the approach of an enemy, the consuls 
were forced to hold a private conference with the 
chief of the senate, where, after many debates, Clau- 
dius proposed an expedient as the most probable 
means of satisfying the people in the present con- 
juncture. This was to create six or eight governors 
in the room of consuls, whereof one half at least 
should be patricians. 

41. This project, which was in fact granting what 
the people demanded, pleased the whole meeting ; 
and it was agreed, that at the next public meeting 
of the senate, the consuls should, contrary to their 
usual custom, begin by asking the opinion of the 
youngest senator. Upon assembling the senate, one 
of the tribunes accused them of holding secret meet- 
ings, and managing dangerous designs against the 
people. The consuls on the other hand, averred 
their innocence ; and to demonstrate their sincerity 
gave any of the younger members of the house leave 
to propound their opinions. 

42. These remaining silent, such of the old sena- 
tors as were known to be popular, began, by observ- 
ing that the people ought to be indulged in their re- 
quest, that none so well deserved power as those who 
were most instrumental in gaining it, and that the 
city could not be free, until all were reduced to per- 
fect equality. Claudius spoke next, and broke out 
into bitter invectives against the people, asserting 
that it was his opinion that the law should not pass. 

43. This produced some disturbance among the 
plebeians ; at length, Genutius proposed, as had been 
preconcerted, that six governors should be annually 
chosen, with consular authority, three from the se- 
nate, and three from the people, and that when the 
time of their magistracy should be expired, then it 






COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 61 

would be seen whether they should have the same 
office continued, or whether the consulship \>ould be 
established upon its former footing. This project 
was eagerly embraced by the people ; yet so fickle 
were the multitude, that though many of the plebeians 
stood, the choice" wholly fell upon the patricians, 
who offered themselves as candidates. 

44. These new magistrates were called 
Military Tribunes ; they were at first but U. C. 
three, afterwards they were increased to 310. 
four, and at length to six. They had the 

power and ensigns of consuls ; yet that power being 
divided among a number, each singly was of less 
authority. The first that were chosen only continued 
in office about three months, the augurs having 
found something amiss in the ceremonies of their 
election. 

45. The military tribunes being deposed, the con- 
suls once more came into office ; in order to lighten 
the weight of business which they were obliged to 
sustain, a new office was erected, namely, that of 
Censors, to be chosen every fifth year. Their busi- 
ness was to take an estimate of the number and es- 
tates of the people, and to distribute them into their 
proper classes ; to inspect into the lives and manner of 
their fellow citizens ; to degrade senators for miscon- 
duct; to dismount knights, and to turn down plebei- 
ans from their tribes into an inferior in case of mis- 
demeanor. The two first censors were Papirius and 
Semphronius, both patricians ; and from this order 
they continued to be elected for near an hundred 
years. 

46. This new creation served to restore peace for 
some time among the orders ; and a triumph gained 
over the Volscians by Gaganius the consul, added 
to the universal satisfaction that reigned among the 
people. 

47. This calm however, was but of a short conrin- 

6 



62 THE HISTORY OF THE 

uance; for, some time after, a famine 
U. C. pressing hard upon the poor, the usual 
31 3. complaints against' the rich were renewed ; 
and these as before, proving ineffectual, 
produced new seditions. The consuls were accused 
of neglect in not having laid in proper quantities of 
corn ; they however disregarded the murmurs of the 
populace, content with exerting all their care in at- 
tempts to supply the pressing necessities. 

48. But though they did all that could be expect- 
ed from active magistrates in providing and distribu- 
ting provisions to the poor, j^et Spurius Maelius, a 
rich knight, who had purchased up all the corn of 
Tuscany, by far outshone them in liberality. This 
demagogue, inflamed with a secret desire of becom- 
ing powerful by the contentions in the state, distribu- 
ted corn in greater quantities among the poorer sort 

"each day, till his house became the asylum of all 
such as v 'shed to exchange a life of labour for one of 
lazy dependence. 

49. When he had thus gained a sufficient number 
of partizans, he procured large quantities of arms to 
be brought into his house by night and formed a con- 
spiracy by which he was to obtain the command, 
while some of the tribunes, whom he had found means 
to corrupt, were to act under him in seizing the li- 
berties of his country. Minucius soon discovered 
the plot ; and informing the senate thereof, they im- 
mediately formed a resolution of creating a dictator, 
who should have the power of quelling the conspira- 
cy without appealing to the people. 

50. Cincinnatus, who was now eighty years old, 
was chosen once more to rescue his country from impen* 
ding danger. He began by summoning Maelius to ap- 
pear, who refused to obey. He next sent Ahala, the 
master of his horse, to force him ; who meeting hira 
in the Forum, and pressing Maelius to follow him to 
the dictator's tribunal, upon his refusal, Ahala killed 
him on the spot. The dictator applauded the reso 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 63 

lution of his officer, and commanded the conspirator's 
goods to be sold, and his house to be demolished, 
distributing his stores among the people. 

51. The tribunes of the people were much enra- 
ged at the death of Maelius ; and in order to punish 
the senate at the next election, instead of consuls, 
insisted upon restoring their military tri- 
bunes. With this the senate were obliged U. C. 

to comply. The next year, however, 315. 
the government returned to its ancient 
channel, and consuls were chosen. 

52. The Veians had long been the rivals of Rome ; 
they had ever taken the opportunity of its internal 
distresses to ravage its territories, and had even 
threatened its ambassadors, sent to complain of these 
injuries, with outrage. It seemed now therefore, 
determined that the city of Veii, whatever it should 
cost, was to fall ; and the Romans accordingly sat 
regularly down before it, prepared for a long and 
painful resistance. 

53. The strength of the place may be inferred 
from the continuance of the siege, which lasted for 
ten years ; during which time the army continued 
encamped around it, laying in winter under tents 
made of the skins of beasts, and in summer driving 
on the operations of the attack. Various was the 
success, and many were the commanders that direct- 
ed the siege ; sometimes all the besiegers' works 
were destroyed and many of their men cut off by 
sallies from the town ; sometimes they were annoy- 
ed by an army of Veians, who attempted to bring 
assistance from without. 

54. A siege so bloody seemed to threaten depo- 
pulation to Rome itself, by draining its forces con- 
tinually away ; so that a law was obliged to be made 
for all the bachelors to marry the widows of the soldiers 
who were slain. In order to carry it on with great- 
er vigour, Furius Camillus was created dictator, and 
to him was entrusted the solo power of managing 



64 THE HISTORY OF THE 

the long protracted Var. Camillus, who, without 
intrigue or any solicitation, had raised himself to 
the first eminence in the state, had been made one 
of the censors some time before, and was considered 
as the head of that office ; he was afterwards made 
a military tribune, and had, in his post, gained se- 
veral advantages over the enemy. 

55. It was his great courage and abilities in the 
above offices that made him thought most worthy to 
serve his country on this pressing occasion. Upon 
his appointment, numbers of people flocked to his 
standard, confident of success under so experienced 
a commander. Conscious, how T ever, that he was 
unable to take the city by storm, he secretly wrought 
a mine into it with vast labour, which opened into 
the midst of the citadel. 

5Q. Certain thus of success, and finding the city 
incapable of relief, he sent to' the senate, desiring 
that all who chose to share in the plunder of the Veii 
should immediately repair to the army. Then giving 
his men directions how to enter at the breach, the 
city was instantly filled with his legions, to the amaze- 
ment and consternation of the besieged, who but 
a moment before, had rested in perfect security. 

57. Thus like a second Troy, was the city of 
Veii taken after a ten years siege, and with its spoils 
enriched the conquerors ; while Camillus himself, 
transported with the honour of having subdued the 
rival of his native city, triumphed after the manner 
of the kings of Rome, having his chariot drawn by 
four milk white horses ; a distinction which did not 
fail to disgust the majority of the spectators, as they 
considered those as sacred, and more proper for 
doing honour to the gods than their generals. 

58. His usual good fortune attended Camillus in 
another expedition against the Falisci ; he routed 
their army, and besieged their capital city, Falerii. 
which threatened a long and vigorous resistance. The 
reduction of this little place would have been scarce 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 65 

worth mentioning in this scanty page, were it not for 
an action of the Roman general, that has done him 
more credit with posterity than all his other triumphs 
united. 

59. A schoolmaster, who had the care of the 
children belonging to the principal men of the city, 
having found means to decoy them into the Roman 
camp, offered to put them into the hands of Camil- 
lus, as the surest means of inducing the citizens to a 
speedy surrender. 

60. The general was struck with the treachery of 
a wretch whose duty it was to protect innocence and 
not betray it : he for some time regarded the traitor 
with a stern air, but at last finding words " Exe- 
" crable villain," cried the noble Roman, " offer thy 
" abominable proposals to creatures like thyself, and 
" not to me ; what though we be enemies of your 
" city, yet there are natural ties that bind all man- 
u kind, which should never be broken : there are 
" duties required of us in war as well as in peace : 
" we fight not against an age of innocence, but 
11 against men ; men who have used us ill indeed, 
" but yet whose crimes are virtues when compared 
" to thine. 

61. Against such base arts let it be my duty to 
" use only Roman arts, the arts of valour and of 
u arms." So saying, he immediately ordered him 
to be stripped, his hands tied behind him, and in 
that ignominious manner to be whipped into the town 
by his own scholars. This generous behaviour in 
Camillus effected more than his arms could do : the 
magistrates of the town immediately submitted to the 
senate, leaving to Camillus the conditions of their 
surrender, who only fined them a sum of money to 
satisfy the army, and received them under the pro- 
tection and into the alliance of Rome. 

62. Notwithstanding the veneration which the vir- 
tues of Camillus had excited abroad, they seemed 
but little adapted to bring over the turbulent tri- 

6* 



66 THE HISTORY OF THE 

buries at heme, as they rair.ed some fresh accusation 
against him every day. To the charge of being an 
opposer of the,* intended migration from Rome to 
Veii, they added that of his having concealed a part 
of the plunder of that city, particularly two brazen 
gates for his own use, and appointed him a day on 
which to appear before the people. 

63. Camillus finding the multitude exasperated 
against him upon many accounts, and detesting their 
ingratitude, resolved not to wait the ignominy of a 
trial, but embracing his wife and children prepared 
to depart from Rome. He had already passed as 
far as one of the gates, unattended on his way, and 
unlamented. 

64. There he could suppress his indignation no 
longer, but turning his face to the capitol, and lift- 
ing up his hands to heaven, entreated all the gods 
that his country might one day be sensible of their 
injustice and ingratitude ; and so saying, he past 
forward to take refuge at Ardea, a town at a little 
distance from Rome, where he afterwards learned 
that he had been fined fifteen hundred asses by the 
tribunes at home. 

65. The tribunes were not a little pleased with 
their triumph over this great man ; but they soon 
had reason to repent their injustice, and to wish for 
the assistance of one who alone was able to protect 
their country from ruin. For now a more terrible 
and redoubtable enemy began to make its appearance 
than the Romans had ever j^et encountered. The 
Gauls, a barbarous nation, had about two centuries 
before made an irruption from beyond the Alps, and 
settled in the northern parts of Italy. 

66. They had been invited over by the delicious- 
ness of the wines, and the softness of the climate. — 
Wherever they came they dispossessed the original 
inhabitants, as they were men of superiour courage, 
extraordinary stature, fierce in aspect, barbarous in 
their manners, and prone to emigration. A body oi 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 67 

these, wild from their original habitations, were now 
besieging Clusium, a city of Etruria, under the 
conduct of Brennus their king. 

67. The inhabitants of Clusium, frightened at 
their numbers, and still more at their savage appear- 
ance, entreated the assistance, or, at least, the me- 
diation of the Romans. The senate, who had long 
made it a maxim never to refuse succour to the dis- 
tressed, were willing previouslj' to send ambassadors 
to the Gauls to dissuade them from their enterprize, 
and to show the injustice of the irruption. 

68. Accordingly, three young senators were cho- 
sen out of the family of the Fabii, to manage the 
commission, who seemed more fitted to the field than 
the cabinet. Brennus received them with a degree 
of complaisance that argued but little of the barba- 
rian ; and desiring to know the business of their 
embassy, was answered, according to their instruc- 
tions, that it was not customary in Italy to make 
war but on just grounds of provocation, and that 
they desired to know what offence the citizens of 
Clusium had given to the king of the Gauls. 

69. To this Brennus sternly replied, that the 
rights of valiant men lay in their swords; that the 
Romans themselves had no right to the many cities 
they had conquered ; and that he had particular 
reasons of resentment against the people of Clusium, 
as they refused to part with those lands which they 
had neither hands to till nor inhabitants to occupy. 

70. The Roman ambassadors, who were but little 
used to the language of a conqueror, for a while dis- 
sembled their resentment at this haughty reply ; but, 
upon entering the besieged city, instead oi acting as 
ambassadors, and forgetful of their sacred charac- 
ters, headed the citizens in a sally against the besie- 
gers. In this combat Fabius Ambustus killed a 
Gaul with his own hand, but was discovered while 
he was. despoiling him of his armour. A conduct 
so unjust and unbecoming excited the resentment of 



68 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Brennus, who having made his complaint by an 
herald to the senate, and finding no redress, imme- 
diately broke up the siege, and marched away with 
his conquering army directly to Rome. 

71. The countries through which the Gauls passed 
in their rapid progress gave up all hopes of safety 
upon their approach ; being terrified at their vast 
numbers, the fierceness of their natures, and their 
dreadful preparations for war. But the rage and 
impetuosity of this wild people were directed only 
against Rome. They went on without doing the 
least injury in their march, still breathing vengeance 
only against the Romans ; and a terrible engage- 
ment soon after ensued, in which the Romans were 
defeated near the river Allia with the loss of near 
forty thousand men. 

72. Rome thus deprived of all succour prepared 
for every extremity. The inhabitants endeavoured 
to hide themselves in some of the neighbouring 
towns, or resolved to await the conqueror's fury, and 
end their lives with the ruin of their native city. 
But, more particularly, the ancient senators and 
priests, struck with religious enthusiasm on this oc- 
casion, resolved to devote their lives to atone for the 
crimes of the people, and habited in the robes of 
ceremony, placed themselves in the Forum on their 
ivory chairs. 

73. The Gauls in the mean time were giving a 
loose to their triumph, in sharing and enjoying the 
plunder of the enemies' camp. Had they imme- 
diately marched to Rome upon gaining the victory, 
the capitol itself had been taken ; but they continued 
two days feasting themselves upon the field of battle, 
and, with barbarous pleasure, exulting amidst their 
slaughtered enemies. On the third day after the 
victory, the easiness of which much amazed the 
Gauls, Brennus appeared with all his forces before 
the city. 

74. He was at first surprised to find the gates 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 69 

wide open to receive him, and the walls defenceless ; 
so that he began to impute the unguarded situation 
of the place to a stratagem of the Romans. After 
proper precautions he entered the city, and, march- 
ing into the Forum, there beheld the ancient se- 
nators sitting in their order, observing a profound 
silence, unmoved and undaunted. 

75. The splendid habits, the majestic gravity, and 
the venerable looks of these old men, who had all, 
in their time, borne the highest offices of the state, 
awed the barbarous enemy into reverence ; they took 
them to be the tutelar deities of the place, and be- 
gan to offer blind adoration, till one more forward 
than the rest, put forth his hand to stroke the beard 
of Papirius ; an insult the noble Roman could not 
endure, but lifting up his ivory sceptre, struck the 
savage to the ground. This seemed as a signal for 
general slaughter. Papirius fell first, and all the 
rest shared his fate, without mercy or distinction. 
Thus the fierce invaders pursued their slaughter for 
three days successively, sparing neither sex nor age, 
and then setting fire to the city, burnt every house 
to the ground. 

76. All hopes of Rome were now pla- 
ced in the capitol ; every thing without U. C 
that fortress was but an extensive scene of 364. 
misery, desolation and despair. Brennus 

first summoned it, with threats, to surrender, but in 
vain ; he then resolved to besiege it in form, and 
hemmed it round with his army. Nevertheless the 
Romans repelled his attempts with great bravery ; 
despair had supplied them with that perseverance and 
vigour which they seemed to want when in pros- 
perity. 

77. In the mean while, Brennus carried on the 
siege with extreme ardour. He hoped, in time, to 
starve the garrison into a capitulation ; but they, 
sensible of his intent, although they were in actual 
want, caused several loaves to be thrown into his 



70 THE HISTORY OF THE 

camp, to convince him of the futility of such ex- 
pectations. His hopes failing in this, were soon 
after revived, when some of his soldiers came to in- 
form him that they had discovered some footsteps 
which led up the rock, and by which they supposed 
the capitol might be surprised. 

78. Accordingly, a chosen body of his men were 
ordered by night upon this dangerous service, which 
they with great labour and difficulty almost effected ; 
they were now got upon the very wall ; the Roman 
sentinel was fast asleep ; their dogs within gave no 
signal, and all promised an easy victory, when the 
garrison was awaked by the gabbling of some sacred 
geese that had been kept in the temple of Juno. 

79. The besieged soon perceived the imminence 
of their danger, and each snatching the w T eapon he 
could instantly find, ran to oppose the assailants. 
Manlius, a patrician of acknowledged bravery, was 
the first who exerted all his strength, and inspired 
courage by his example. He boldly mounted the 
rampart, and, at one effort threw two Gauls, head- 
long down the precipice ; others soon came to his 
assistance, and the walls were cleared of the enemy 
in a space of time shorter than that employed in the 
recital. 

80. From this time forward the hopes of the bar- 
barians began to decline, and Brennus wished for 
an opportunity of raising the siege with credit. 
His soldiers had often conferences with the besieged 
while upon duty, °nd the proposals for an accom- 
modation were wished for by the common men 
before the chiefs thought of a congress. At length 
the commanders on both sides came to an agreement 
that the Gauls should immediately quit the city and 
territories of Rome, upon being paid a thousand 
pounds weight of gold. 

81. This agreement being confirmed by oath on 
either side, the gold was brought forth ; but upon 
weighing, the Gauls frauduently attempted to kick 






COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 71 

the beam, of which the Romans complaining, Bren- 
nus insultingly cast his sword and belt into the scale, 
crying out that the only portion of the vanquished 
was to suffer. By this reply the Romans saw that 
they were at the victors' mercy, and knew it was in 
vain to expostulate against any conditions he should 
be pleased to impose. 

82. But in this very juncture, and while they were 
thus debating upon the payment, it was told them 
that Camillus, their old general, was at the head of 
a large army, hastening to their relief, and entering 
the gates of Rome. 

83. Camillus actually appeared soon after, and 
entering the place of controversy, with the air of one 
who was resolved not to suffer imposition, demanded 
the cause of the contest ; of which being informed, 
he ordered the gold to be taken and carried back to 
the capitol, " For it has ever been," (cried he) 
" the manner of us Romans, to ransom our country, 
" riot with gold, but with iron ; it is I only that am 
" to make peace, as being the dictator of Rome, and 
" my sword alone shall purchase it." Upon this a 
battle ensued, in which the Gauls were entirely 
routed ; and such a slaughter followed, that the Ro- 
man territories were soon cleared of their formidable 
invaders. Thus was Rome, by the bravery of Ca- 
millus, cleared of its foes. 

84. The city being one continued heap of ruins, 
except the capitol, and the greatest number of its 
former inhabitants having gone to take refuge in 
Veii, the tribunes of the people urge for the removal 
of the poor remains of Rome to Veii, where they 
might have houses to shelter, and walls to defend 
them. On this occasion Camillus attempted to ap- 
pease them with all the arts of persuasion, observing, 
that it was unworthy of them, both as Romans and 
as men, to desert the venerable seats of their ances- 
tors, where they had been encouraged by repeated 
marks of divine approbation, to remove to and inha- 



72 THE HISTORY OF THE 

bit a city which they had conquered, and which 
wanted even the good fortune of defending itself. 
By these and such like remonstrances lie prevailed 
upon the people to go contentedly to work; and 
Rome soon began to rise from its ashes. 

85. We have already seen the bravery of Manlius 
in defending the capitol, and saving the last remains 
of Rome. For this the people were by no means 
ungrateful, having built him an house near the place 
where his valour was so conspicuous, and having 
appointed him a public fund for his support. But 
he aspired at being not only equal to Camillus, but 
to be sovereign of Rome. With this view he labour- 
ed to ingratiate himself with the populace, paid their 
debts, and railed at the patricians, whom he called 
their oppressors. 

86. The senate was not ignorant of his discourses 
or his designs, and created Cornelius Cossus, dicta- 
tor, with a view to curb the ambition of Manlius. 
The dictator soon finished an expedition against a e 
Volscians by a victory; and upon his return cal.ed 
Manlius to an account for his conduct. Manlius, 
however, was too mu darling of the populace 
to be affected by the power of Cossus, who was obli- 
ged to lay clown his oliice, and Manlius was carried 
from confinement in triumph through the city. 

87. This success only served to inflame his ambi- 
tion. He now began to talk of a division of the lands 
among the people ; insinuated that there should be no 
distinctions in the state; and, to give weight to his 
discourses, always appeared at the head of a large 
body of the dregs of the people, whom his largesses 
had made his followers. 

88. The city being thus filled with sedition and 
clamour, the senate had recourse to another expedi- 
ent, and to oppose the power of Camillus to that of 
the demagogue. Camillus accordingly being made 
one of the military tribunes, appointed Manlius a day 
to answer for his life. The place in which he wa9 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 73 

tn?d was near the capitol, where, when ne was ac- 
cused of sedition, and of aspiring at sovereignty, he 
only turned his eyes, and, pointing thither, put them 
in mind of what he had there done for his country. 

89. The multitude, whose compassion, or whose 
justice seldom springs from rational motives, refused 
to condemn him, while he pleaded in sight of the 
capitol : but when he was brought from thence to the 
Peteline grove, and where the capitol was no longer 
to be seen, they condemned him to be thrown head- 
long from the Tarpeian rock. Thus the place which 
had been the theatre of his glory became that of his 
punishment and infamy. His house, in which his 
conspiracies had been carried on, was ordered to be 
razed to the ground, and his family were forbidden 
ever to assume the name of Manlius. 

90. In this manner, therefore, the Romans went 
gradually forward, with a mixture of turbulence and 
superstition within their walls, and successful enter- 
prises without. With what an implicit obedience 
they submitted to their pontiffs, we have already seen 
in many instances, and how far they might be impel- 
led, even to encounter death itself at their command, 
will evidently appear from the behaviour of Curtius 
about this time, who upon the opening of a gulf in 
the Forum, which the augurs affirmed 

would never close up till the most precious U. C. 
things in Rome were thrown into it, this 392. 
heroic man leaped with his horse and ar- 
mour boldly in the midst, saying, that nothing was 
more truly valuable than patriotism and military 
virtue. — The gulf, say the historians, closed immedi- 
ately upon this, and Curtius was never seen after. 
7 C 



74 THE HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER XIII. 

From the tears of the Samnites, and the wars tvith 
Pyrrhus, to the beginning of the first Pnnic war, 
when the Romans first went out of Italy. 

1. THE Ramans having- now triumphed over the 
Sabines, the Etrurians, the Latins, the Hernici, the 
iEqui, and the Volscians, began to look for greater 
conquests. They accordingly turned their arms 
against the Samnites, a people about an hundred 
mites east from the city, descended from the Sabines, 
and inhabiting a large tract of southern Italy, which 
at this day makes a considerable part of the kingdom 
of Naples. Valerius Corvus and Cornelius were 
the two consuls to whose care it first fell to manage 
this dreadful contention between the rival states. 

2. Valerius was one of the greatest commanders 
of his time; he was surnamed Corvus, from a strange 
circumstance of being assisted by a crow in a single 
combat, in which he fought and killed a Gaul of a 
gigantic stature. To his colleague's care it was 
consigned to lead an army to Samnium, the enemy's 
capital, while Corvus was sent to relieve Capua, the 
capital of the Campanians. Never was captain more 
fitted for command than he. 

3. To an habit naturally robust and athletic, he 
joined the gentlest manners ; he was the fiercest, and 
yet the most good natured man in the army ; and, 
while the meanest sentinel was his companion, no 
man kept them more strictly to their duty: but what 
completes his character, he constantly endeavoured 
to preserve his dignities by the same arts by which 
he gained them. Such soldiers as the Romans then 
were, hardened by their late adversity, and led on by 
such a general, were unconquerable. 

4. The Samnites were the bravest men they ever 



I 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 75 

yet encountered ; and the contention between the 
two nations was managed on both sides with most 
determined resolution. But the fortune of Rome 
prevailed; the Samnites at length fled, averring that 
they w r ere not able to withstand the fierce looks and 
the fire darting eyes of the Romans. The other 
consul, however, was not at first so fortunate; for 
having unwarily led his army into a defile, he was in 
danger of being cut off, had not Decius, a tribune of 
the army, possessed himself of a hill which com- 
manded the enemy; so that the Samnites being at- 
tacked on either side, were defeated with great 
slaughter; no less than thirty thousand of them being 
left dead upon the field of battle. 

5, Some time after this victory, the soldiers who 
were stationed at Capua, mutinying, forced Quintius, 
an old and eminent soldier, who was then residing in 
the country, to be their leader, and conducted by 
their rage more than their general, came within 
eight miles of the city. So terrible an enemy, almost 
at their gates, not a little alarmed the senate, who 
immediately created Valerius Corvus dictator, and 
sent him forth w:th another army to oppose them. 

8. The two armies were now drawn up against 
each other, while fathers and sons beheld themselves 
prepared to engage in opposite causes. Any other 
general but Corvus would perhaps have brought this 
civil war to an extremity ; but he knowing his influ- 
ence among the soldiery, instead of going forward to 
meet the mutineers in an hostile manner, went with 
the most cordial friendship to embrace and expostu- 
late with his old acquaintances. 

7. His conduct had the desired effect. Quintius, 
as their speaker, only desired to have their defection 
from tiieir duty forgiven ; and as for himself, as he 
was innocent of their conspiracy, he had no reason 
to solicit pardon for his offences. Thus this defec- 
tion which at first threatened such dangers to Rome, 
was repaired by the prudence and moderation of a 



76 THE HISTORY OF THE 

general, whose ambition it was to be gentle to his 
friends, and formidable only to his enemies. 

8. A war between the Romans and the Latins fol- 
lowed soon after; but as their habits, arms, and lan- 
guage were the same, the most exact discipline was 
necessary to prevent confusion in the engagement. 
Orders therefore were issued by Manlius the consul, 
that no soldier should leave his ranks upon whatever 
provocation, and that he should certainly be put to 
death who should offer to do otherwise. AVith these 
injunctions both armies were drawn out in array, 
and ready to begin, when Melius, the general of the 
enemy's cavalry, pushed forward from his lines, and 
challenged any knight in the Roman army to single 
combat. 

9. For some time there was a general pause, no 
soldier offering to disobey his orders, till Titus Man- 
lius, the consul's own son, burning with shame to see 
the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly 
singled out against his adversary. The soldiers, on 
both sides, for a while suspended the general engage- 
ment, to be spectators of this fierce encounter. The 
two champions drove their horses pfainst each other 
with great violence : Metius w T oundea his adversary's 
horse in the neck ; but Manlius, with better fortune, 
killed that of Metius. 

10. The Latin being thus fallen to the ground, 
for a while attempted to support himself upon his 
shield ; but the Roman followed his blows with so 
much force, that he laid him dead as he was endea- 
vouring to rise ; and then despoiling him of his ar- 
mour, returned in triumph to the consul his father's 
tent, where he was preparing and giving orders rela- 
tive to the engagement. 

11. Howsoever he might have been applauded by 
his fellow soldiers, being as yet doubtful of the recep- 
tion he should find from his father, he came with 
hesitation to lay the enemy's spoils at his feet, and 
with a modest air insinuated, that what he did was 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 77 

entirely from a spirit of hereditary virtue. But he 
was soon dreadfully made sensible of*his error, when 
his father turning away, ordered him to be led pub- 
licly forth before the army. 

J 2. There, being brought forward, the consul, 
with a stern countenance, and yet with tears, spoke 
as follows; " Titus Manlius, as thou hast regarded 
" neither tlve dignity of the consulship, nor the com- 
" mands of thy father 5 as thou hast destroyed mill- 
" tary discipline, and set a pattern of disobedience 
" by thy example, thou hast reduced me to that de- 
" plorable extremity of sacrificing my son or my 
" country. But let us not hesitate in this dreadful 
" alternative . a thousand lives were well lost in suet 
" a cause: nor do I think that thou thyself wilt re- 
" fuse to die, when thy country is to reap the advan- 
" tage of thy sufferings. Go, lictor^ biud him. and 
** let his death be our future example," 

13. The whole army was struck with horror at 
this unnatural mandate; fear for a while kept them 
in suspense; but when the}* saw their young cham- 
pion's heacl struck off, and his blood streaming upon 
the ground, they could no longer contain their exe- 
crations and their groans. His dead body was car- 
ried forth without the camp, and being adorned with 
the spoils of the vanquished enemy, was buried with 
all the pomp of military distress. 

14. In the mean time the battle joined with mutual 
fury; and as the two armies had often fought under 
the same leaders, they combated with all the ani- 
mosity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended 
on their bodily strength ; the Romans on their invin- 
cible courage and conduct. Forces so nearly match- 
ed seemed only to require the protection of their dei- 
ties to turn the scale of victory; and in fact, the 
augurs had foretold, that whatever part of the Roman 
arm}* should be distressed, the commander of that 
part should devote himself for his country, and die 

7* 



78 THE HISTORY OF THL 

as a sacrifice to the immortal gods. Manlius com- 
manded the right wing, and Decius led on the left. 

15. Both sides fought for some time with doubtful 
success, as their courage was equal ; but after a time, 
the left wing of the Roman army began to give 
ground. It was then that Decius, who commanded 
there resolved to devote himself for his country, and 
to offer his own life as an atonement to save his army. 
Thus determined, he called to Manlius with a loud 
voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the 
chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and the form of 
the w T ords he should use. 

16. By his directions therefore, being clothed in a 
long robe, his head covered, and his arms stretched 
forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted himself 
to the celestial and infernal gods, for the safety of 
Rome. Then arming himself, and mounting on 
horseback, he drove furiously into the midst of his 
enemies, carrying terror and consternation wherever 
lie came, till he fell covered with wounds. 

17. In the mean time the Roman army consider 
ed his devoting himself in this manner as an assur- 
ance of success ; nor w T as the superstition of the La- 
tins less powerfully influenced by his resolution ; a 
total rcut began to ensue; the Romans pressed them 
on every side ; and so great was the carnage, that 
scarce a fourth part of the enemy survived the de- 
feat. This was the last battle of any consequence 
that the Latins had with the Romans ; they were 
forced to beg a peace upon hard conditions ; and 
two years after, their strongest city Poedrum being 
taken, they were brought under an entire submission 
to the Roman power. 

18. A signal disgrace which the Ro- 
ll. C. mans sustained about this time in their 
431. contests with the Samnites, made a pause 
in their usual good fortune, and turned the 
scale for a while in the enemy's favour. The senate 
having denied the Samnites peace, Pontius their g«- 



i 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME, 79 

neral was resolved to gain by stratagem what he had 
frequently lost by force. Accordingly, leading his 
army into a defile called Claudium, and taking pos- 
session of all its outlets, he sent ten of his soldiers 
habited like shepherds, with directions to throw them- 
selves in the way the Romans were to march. 

19. Exactly to his wishes the Roman consul met 
them, and, taking them for what they appeared, de- 
manded the route the Samnite army had taken : they, 
with seeming indifference replied, that they were gone 
to Luceria, a town in Apulia, and were then actually 
besieging it. The Roman general, not suspecting 
the stratagem that was laid against him, marched di- 
rectly by the shortest road, which lay through the 
defiles, to relieve the city, and was not undeceived, 
till he saw his army surrounded and blocked up on 
every side. 

20. Pontius, thus having the Romans entirely in 
his power, first obliged the army to pass under the 
yoke, having been previously stript of all but their 
garments ; he then stipulated that they should wholly 
quit the territories of the Samnites, and that they 
should continue to live upon terms of former confed- 
eracy. 

21. The Romans were constrained to submit to 
this ignominious treaty and marched into Capua dis- 
armed, half naked, and burning with a desire of 
retrieving their lost honour. When the army arrived 
at Rome, the whole city was most surprisingly afflict- 
ed at their shameful return ; nothing but grief and 
resentment was to be seen, and the whole city was 
put into mourning. 

22. But this was a transitory calamity ; the state 
had suffered a diminution of its glory, but not of its 
power. The war was carried on as usual for many 
years : the power of the Samnites declining every 
day, while that of the Romans gathered fresh confi- 
dence from every victory. 

23. Under the conduct of Papynus Cursor, who 



60 THE HISTORY OF THE 

was ai different times consul and dictator, repeated tri- 
umphs were gamed 5 Fabius Maximus also had his 
share in the glory of conquering them; and Deeius,the 
son of that Decius whom we saw devoting himself 
for his country ahout forty years before, followed the 
example of his noble father, and, rushing into the 
midst of the enemy, saved the lives of his country- 
men with the loss of his own. 

24. The Samnites being thus driven to the most 
extreme distress, as they were unable to defend 
themselves, they were obliged to call in the assistance 
of a foreign power, and had recourse to Pyrrhus, 
king of Epirus, to save them from impending ruin. 
Pyrrhus, a king of great courage, ambition, and 
power, who had always kept the example of Alex- 
ander, his great predecessor, before his eyes, pro- 
mised to come to their assistance ; and in the mean 
time dispatched over a body of three thousand men, 
under the command of Cineas, an experienced sol- 
dier, and a scholar of the great orator Demosthenes. 

25. Nor did he himself remain long behind, but 
soon after put to sea with three thousand horse, twen- 
ty thousand foot, and twenty elephants, in which the 
commanders of that time began to place very great 
confidence. However, only a small part of these 
great preparations arrived in Italy with him, for 
many of his ships were dispersed, and some of them 
were totally lost in a tempest. 

26. Upon his arrival at Tarentum, his first care was 
to reform the people he came to succour; for observing 
a total dissolution of manners in this luxurious city, and 
that the inhabitants were rather occupied with the 
pleasures of bathing, feasting, and dancing, than the 
care of preparing for war, he gave orders to have 
all their places of public entertainments shut up, and 
that they should be restrained in all such amusements 
as rendered soldiers unfit for battle. In the mean 
time the Romans did all that prudence co aid suggest 
to oppose so formidable au enemy ; and the consul 






COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 81 

Laevinus was sent with a numerous army to inter- 
rupt his progress. 

27. Pyrrhus, though his whole army was not j^et 
arrived, drew out to meet him ; but previously sent 
an ambassador, desiring to be permitted to mediate 
between the Romans and the people of Tarentum. 
To this Lrevinus returned for answer, that he neither 
esteemed him as a mediator, nor feared him as an ene- 
my ; and then leading the ambassador through the 
Roman camp, desired him to observe diligently what 
he saw, and to report the result to his master. 

28. In consequence of this, both armies approach- 
ing, pitched their tents in sight of each other upon 
the opposite banks of the river Lyris. Pyrrhus was 
always extremely careful in directing the situation 
of his own camp, and in observing that of the ene- 
my. It was there, that walking along the banks of 
the river, and surveying the Roman method of en- 
camping, he was heard to observe, " That these 
" barbarians seemed to be no ways barbarous, and he 
" should too soon find their actions equal to their 
u resolution." 

29. In the mean time ordering a body of men 
along the banks of the river, he placed them in readi- 
ness to oppose the Romans, in case they should at- 
tempt to ford it before his whole army was brought 
together. Things turned out according to his ex- 
pectations ; the consul, with an impetuosity that 
marked his inexperience, gave orders for passing the 
river where it was ford able; and the advanced guard, 
having attempted to oppose him in vain, was obli- 
ged to retire to the main body of the army. 

30. Pyrrhus being apprised of the enemy's at- 
tempt, at first hoped to cut off their cavalry before 
they could be reinforced by the foot that were not as 
yet got over, and led on in person a chosen body of 
horse against them. The Roman legions having 
with much difficulty advanced across the river, the 
engagement became general : the Greeks fought 

C 2 



S2 THE HISTORY OF THE 

with a consciousness of their former fame, and the 
Romans with a desire of gaining fresh glory. Man- 
kind had never before seen two such differently dis- 
ciplined armies opposed to each other, nor is it to 
this day determined whether the Greek phalanx or 
the Roman legions were preferable. 

31. The combat was long in suspense ; the Ro- 
mans had seven times repulsed the enemy, and were 
as often driven back themselves, but at length, while 
the success seemed doubtful, Pyrrhus sent his ele- 
phants into the midst of the engagement, and these 
turned the scale of victory in his favour. The Ro- 
mans who had never before seen creatures of such 
magnitude were terrified not only with their intrepid 
fierceness, but with the castles that were built upon 
their backs filled with armed men. It was then that 
Pyrrhus saw the day was his own : and sending in 
his Thessalian cavalry to charge the enemy in disor- 
der, the rout became general. 

32. A dreadfiil slaughter of the Romans ensued, 
fifteen thousand men being killed on the spot, and 
eighteen hundred taken prisoners. Nor were the 
conquerors in much better state than the vanquished, 
Pyrrhus himself being wounded, and thirteen thou- 
sand of his forces slain. Night coming on, put an 
end to the slaughter on both sides, and Pyrrhus was 
heard to cry out, " That one such victory more would 
ruin his whole army." 

33. The next day, as he walked to view the field 
of battle, he could not help regarding with admira- 
tion, the bodies of the Romans which were slain : 
upon seeing them all with their wounds before, their 
countenances even in death marked with noble reso- 
lution, and a sternness that awed him into respect, 
he was heard to cry out, in the true spirit of a mi- 
litary adventurer, " O ! with what ease could I con- 
quer the world, had I the Romans for soldiers, or 
had they me for their king." 

34. Pyrrhus, after this victor}', was still unwil- 



COMMOjN WEALTH OF ROME. 83 

ling to drive them to an extremity, and considered 
that it was best treating with an humble enemy ; he 
resolved therefore, to send his friend Cineas, the ora- 
tor, to negotiate a peace ; of whom he often asserted, 
that he had won more towns by the eloquence of Ci- 
neas, than by his own arms. Cineas, with all his 
art, found the Romans incapable of being seduced, 
either by briber} 7 , private or public persuasion. 

35. Being frustrated, therefore, in his expecta- 
tions, he returned to his master, extolling both the 
virtues and the grandeur of the Rom a us. The se- 
nate, he said, appeared a reverend assembly of demi- 
gods, and the city a temple for their reception. Of 
this, Py rrhus soon after became sensible, by an embassy 
from Rome, concerning the ransom and exchange of 
prisoners. At the head of this venerable deputation 
was Fabricius, an ancient senator, who had long 
been a pattern to his eouutiymen, of the most ex- 
treme poverty, joined to the most cheerful content. 

36. Pyrrktis received this celebrated old man with 
great kindness ; and willing to try how fir fame had 
been just in his favour, offered him rich presents, 
which however, the Roman refused. The day after, 
he was desirous of examining the equality of his tem- 
per, and ordered one of his elephants to be placed 
behind the tapestry ; which, upon a signal given, 
raised its trunk above the ambassador's head, at tin 
same time using other arts to intimidate him. 

37 But Fabricius, with a countenance no way 
changing, smiled upon the king, observing ihai he 
looked with an equal eye on the terrors of this day, 
as lie had upon the allurements of the preceding. 
Pyrrhus, pleased to find so much virtue in one lie 
had considered as a barbarian, was willing to grant 
him the only favour which he knew could make him 
happy; he released the Roman prisoners, entrusting 
them to Fabricius alone, upon his promise, that in 
case the senate were determined to continue the war, 
he might reclaim them whenever he thought proper. 



84 THE HISTORY OF THE 

38. By this time the Roman army was 
U. C. recovered from its late defeat, and Sulpi- 
473. cius and Decius, the consuls for the fol- 
lowing year, were placed at its head. 
The panic which had formerly seized it, from the 
elephants, now began to wear off, and both armies 
met near the city of Asculum, both pretty nearly 
equal in numbers, being about forty thousand strong; 
and here again, after a long and obstinate fight, the 
Grecian discipline prevailed. 

39. The Romans, being pressed on every side, 
particularly by the elephants, were obliged to retire 
to their camp, leaving six thousand men dead upon 
the field of battle. But the enemy had no great 
reason to boast of their triumph, as they had four 
thousand slain ; so that Pyrrhus replied to one of his 
soldiers, who was congratulating him upon his vic- 
tory, " one such triumph more, and I shall be un- 
done." 

40. This battle finished the campaign ; the next 
season began with equal vigour on both sides, Pyrr- 
hus having received new succours from home. 
While the two armies were approaching, and yetbutat 
a small distance from each other, a letter was brought 
to old Fabricius the Roman general, from the king's 
physician, importing, that for a proper reward, he 
would take him off by poison, and thus rid the Ro- 
mans of a powerful enemy, and a dangerous war. 

41. Fabricius felt all the honest indignation at this 
base proposal that was consistent with his former 
character ; he communicated it to his colleagues, and 
instantly gave it as his opinion that Pyrrhus should 
be informed of the treachery that was plotted against 
him. Accordingly letters were dispatched for that 
purpose, informing Pyrrhus of the affair, and al- 
ledging the unfortunate choice of his friends and en- 
nemies. That he had trusted and promoted murder ■ 
ers, while he carried his resentment againft the ge- 
nerous and the brave 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 85 

42. Pyrrhus now began to find that these bold 
barbarians were by degrees schooled into refinement, 
and would not suffer him to be their superiour even 
in generosity : he received the message with as much 
amazement at their candour, as indignation at his 
physician's treachery. " Admirable Fabricius !" 
cried he, " it would be as easy to turn the sun from 
" its course, as thee from the paths of honour." 

43. Then making the proper inquiry among his 
servants, and having discovered the treason, he or- 
dered his physician to be executed. However not to 
be outdone in magnanimity, he immediately sent to 
Rome all his prisoners without ransom, and again 
desired to negociate a peace. The Romans on the 
other hand, refused him peace, but upon the same 
conditions they had offered before. 

44. So that after an interval of two years, Pyrrhus, 
having increased his army by new levies, sent one 
part of his army to oppose the march of Lentulus, 
the Roman consul, while he himself went to attack 
Curius Dentatus, the other in command, before his 
colleague could come up. His principal aim was to 
surprise the enemy by night ; but unfortunately pass- 
ing through woods, and his lights failing him, his 
men lost their way, so that at the approach of morn- 
ing he saw himself in sight of the Roman camp, with 
the enem}' drawn out ready to receive him. 

45. The vanguard of both armies soon met, in 
which the Romans had the advantage. Soon after, 
a general engagement ensuing, Pyrrhus finding the 
balance of the victory turning still against him, had 
once more recourse to his elephants. These, how- 
ever, the Romans were then too well acquainted 
with, to feel any vain terrors from ; and having found 
that fire was the most effectual means to repel them, 
they caused a number of balls to be made, composed 
of flax and rosin, which were thrown against them 
as they approached the ranks. 

48. The elephants thus rendered furious by the 



■*6 THE HISTORY OF THE 

flame and as boldly opposed by the soldiers, could 
no longer be brought on, but ran back upon their own 
army, bearing down the ranks, and filling all places 
with terror and confusion. Thus victory at length 
declared in favour of Rome : Pyrrhus in vain at- 
tempted to stop the flight and slaughter of his troops; 
he lost not only twenty-three thousand of his best 
soldiers, but his camp was also taken. 

47. This served as a new lesson to the Romans, 
who were ever open to improvement: they had for- 
merly pitched their tents without order; but by this 
new capture they were taught to measure out their 
ground, and fortify the whole with a trench; so that 
many of their succeeding victories are to be ascribed 
to their improved method of encamping. 

48. Pyrrhus thus finding all hopes fruitless, he 
resolved to leave Italy, where he found only despe- 
rate enemies and faithless allies; accordingly, calling 
together the Tarentines, he informed them that he 
had received assurances from Greece of speedy assist- 
ance, and desiring them to wait the event with tran- 
quillity, the night following embarked his troops and 
returned undisturbed into his native kingdom with 
the remains of his shattered forces, leaving a garrison 
in Tarentum merely to save appearances, and :n this 
manner ended the war with Pyrrhus after six years 
continuance. 

49. As for the poor luxurious Tarentines, who 
were the original promoters of this war, they soon 
began to find a worse enemy in the garrison that was 
left for their defence, than in the Romans who attack- 
ed them without. The hatred between them and 
Milo, who commanded their citadel for Pyrrhus, was 
become so great, that nothing but the fear of their 
old inveterate enemies, the Romans, could equal it. 

50. In this distress they applied to the Carthage- 
nians, who, with a large fleet, came and blocked up 
the port of Tarentum; so that this unfortunate peo- 
ple, once famous through Italy for their refinements 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 87 

and pleasures, now saw themselves contended for by 
three different armies without the choice of a con- 
queror. At length, however, the Romans found 
means to bring over the garrison to their interest ; 
after which they easily became masters of the city, 
and demolished its walls, granting the inhabitants 
liberty and protection. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

From the beginning of the first Punic war, to the 
beginning of the second, when the Romans began 
to grow powerful by sea. 

[U. C. 489.] 

1. THE Romans having destroyed all rival pre- 
tensions at home, began to pant after foreign con- 
quests. The Carthagenians were at that time in 
possession of the greatest part of Sicily, and like the 
Romans, only wanted an opportunity of embroiling 
the natives, in order to become masters of the whole 
island. This opportunity at length offered. Hiero, 
king of Syracuse, one of the states of that island, 
which was as yet unconquered, entreated their aid 
against the Mamertines, a little people of the same 
country, and they sent him supplies both by sea and 
land. 

2. The Mamertines, on the other hand, to shield 
off impending ruin, put themselves under the protec- 
tion of Rome. The Romans, not thinking the 
Mamertines worthy of the name of allies, instead of 
professing to assist them, boldly declared war aga ; nst 
Carthage ; alledging as a reason the assistance which 
Carthage had lately sent to the southern parts of 
Italy against the Romans. In this manner a war 
was declared between these two powerful states, both 



88 THE HISTORY OF THE 

grown too great to continue patient spectators of 
each other's increase. 

3. Carthage, a colony of the Phoenicians, was 
built on the coast of Africa, near the place where 
Tunis now stands, about an hundred and thirty- 
seven years before the foundation of Rome. As it 
had been long growing into power, so it had extend- 
ed its dominions all along the coasts. But its chief 
strength lay in its fleets and commerce : thus circum- 
stanced, these two great powers began what is called 
the first Punic war. The Carthagenians, possessed 
of gold and silver, which might be exhausted ; the 
Romans famous for perseverance, patriotism and 
poverty, which seemed to gather strength by every 
defeat. 

4. But there seemed to be an insurmountable ob- 
stacle to the ambitious views of Rome, as they had 
no fleet, or at least what deserved that title; while 
the Carthagenians had the entire command at sea, 
and kept all the maritime towns under obedience 
In such a situation any people but the Romans, 
would have rested contented under disadvantages 
which nature seemed to have imposed ; but nothing 
could conquer or intimidate them. They began to 
apply themselves to maritime affairs; and, though 
without shipwrights to build, or seamen to navigate 
a fleet, they resolved to surmount every obstacle with 
inflexible perseverance. 

5. A Carthagenian vessel happened to be in a 
storm driven ashore; and this was sufficient to serve 
as a model. The consul Duillius was the fi-st who 
ventured to sea with his new constructed armament ; 
and though far inferiour to the enemy in the manage- 
ment of his fleet, yet he gained the first naval victory, 
the Carthagenians losing fifty of their ships, and the 
undisturbed sovereignty of the sea, which they va- 
lued more. 

6. But the conquest of Sicily was only to be ob- 
tained by humbling the power of Carthage at home. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 89 

For this reason the senate resolved to carry the war 
into Africa itself, and accordingly they sent Regulus 
and Manlius, with a. fleet of three hundred sail to 
make the invasion. Regulus was reckoned the most 
consummate warrior that Rome could then produce, 
and a professed example of frugal severity. His pa- 
triotism was still greater than his temperance ; all the 
private passions seemed extinguished in him, or they 
were all swallowed up in one great ruling affection, 
the love of his country. 

7. The two generals set sail with their fleet, which 
was the greatest that had ever left an Italian port, 
carrying an hundred and forty thousand men. 
They were met by the Carthagenians, with a fleet as 
powerful, and men better used to the sea. While 
the fight continued rather between the ships than tne 
men at a distance, the Carthagenians seemed success- 
ful; but when the Romans came to grapple with 
them, the difference between a mercenary army, and 
one that fought for fame was apparent. 

8. The resolution of the Romans was crowned 
with success; the enemy's fleet were dispersed, and 
fifty-four of their vessels taken. The consequence 
of this victory was an immediate descent upon the 
coast of Africa, and the capture of the city Clupea, 
together with twenty thousand men, who were made 
prisoners of war. 

9. The senate being informed of these great suc- 
cesses, and applied to for fresh instructions, com- 
manded Manlius back to Italy, in order to superin- 
tend the Sicilian war; and directed that Regulus 
should continue in Africa to prosecute his victories 
there. 

10. A battle ensued, in which Carthage was once 
more defeated and some of its best troops were cut 
off. This fresh victory contributed to throw them 
into the utmost despair; more than eighty of their 
towns submitted to the Romans. In this distress, 
the Carthagenians, destitute of generals at home, 

8* 



90 THE HISTORY OF THE 

were obliged to send to Lacedemon, offering the 
command of their armies to Xantippus, a general of 
great experience, who undertook to conduct them. 

11. This general began by giving the magistrates 
proper instructions for levying their men. He assur- 
ed them that their armies were hitherto overthrown, 
not by the strength of the enemy, but by the igno- 
rance of their own generals ; he therefore only re- 
quired a ready obedience to his orders, and assured 
them of an easy victory. The whole city seemed 
once more revived from despondency, by the exhor- 
tations of a single stranger ; and soon from hope 
grew into confidence. 

12. This was the spirit the Grecian general wished 
to excite in them ; so that when he saw them thus 
ripe for the engagement, he joyfully took the field. 
The Lacedemonian made the most skilful disposition 
of his forces ; he placed his cavalry in the wings ; he 
disposed the elephants at proper intervals behind the 
line of the heavy armed infantry ; and bringing up 
the light armed troops before, he ordered them to 
retire through the line of infantry after thej' had dis- 
charged their weapons. 

13. At length both armies engaging, after a long 
and obstinate resistance, the Romans were overthrown 
with dreadful slaughter ; the greatest part of their 
army being destroyed, and Regulus himself taken 
prisoner. Several other distresses of the Romans 
followed soon after this. They lost their fleet in a 
storm ; and Agrigentum, their principal town in Si- 
cily was taken by Karthalo,theCarthagenian general. 
They undertook to build a new fleet, which also 
shared the fate of the former ; the mariners, as yet un- 
acquainted with the Mediterranean shores, drove it 
upon quicksands ; and soon after the greatest part 
perished in a storm. 

14. Mean time, the Carthagenians being thus suc- 
cessful, were desirous of a new treaty for peace, 
hoping to have better terms than those insisted upon 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 91 

by Regulus. For this purpose, they supposed that 
he whom they had now for four years kept in a dun- 
geon, confined and chained would be a proper soli- 
citor* It was expected that, being wearied with im- 
prisonment and bondage, he would gladly endeavour 
to persuade his countrymen to a discontinuance of a 
war, which only prolonged his captivity. He was 
accordingly sent with their ambassadors to Rome, 
but with a promise, previously exacted from him, to 
return in case of being unsuccessful. He was even 
given to understand that his life depended upon the 
success of his negotiation. 

15. When this old general, together with the am- 
bassadors of Carthage, approached Rome, numbers 
of his friends came out to meet and congratulate his 
return. Their acclamations resounded through the 
city ; but Regulus refused, with settled melancholy, 
to enter the gates. It was in vain that he was entreated 
on every side to visit once more his little dwelling, 
and share in that joy which his return had inspired. 
He persisted in saying, that he was now but a slave 
belonging to the Carthagenians, and unfit to par- 
take in the liberal honours of his country. 

16. The senate assembling without the walls, as 
usual, to give audience to the ambassadors, Regulus 
opened his commission as he had been directed by 
the Carthagenian council, and their ambassadors 
seconded his proposals. The senate were, by this 
time, themselves weary of a war which had been pro- 
tracted above eight years, and were no way disin- 
clinable to a peace. 

17. It only remained for Regulus himself to give 
his opinion, who, when it came to his turn to speak, 
to the surprise of all the world, gave his voice for 
continuing the war. So unexpected an advice not 
a little disturbed the senate ; they pitied as well as 
admired a man who had used such eloquence against 
his private interest, and could not conclude upon a 
measure which was to terminate in his ruin. But he 



52 THE HISTORY OF THE 

soon relieved their embarrassment by breaking off 
the treaty, and by rising in order to return to his 
bonds and confinement. 

18. It was in vain that the senate and all his dear- 
est friends entreated his stay ; he still repressed their 
solicitations. Marcia, his wife, with her little chil- 
dren, filled the city with their lamentations, and vain- 
ly entreated to be permitted to see him ; he still ob- 
stinately persisted in keeping his promise; and, 
though sufficiently apprised of the tortures that 
awaited his return, without embracing his family or 
taking leave of his friends, he departed with the am- 
bassadors for Carthage. 

19. Nothing could equal the fury and the disap- 
pointment of the Carthagenians, when they were in- 
formed by their ambassadors that Regulus, instead 
of hastening a peace, had given his opinion for con- 
tinuing the war. They accordingly prepared to 
punish his conduct with the most studied tortures. 
First his eyelids were cut off and then he was re- 
manded to prison. He was after some days, again 
brought out, and exposed with his face opposite the 
burning sun. At bst, when malice was fatigued 
with studying all the arts of torture, he was put into 
a barrel stuck full of nails, that pointed inwards ; and 
in this painful condition he continued till he died. 

20. Both sides now took up arms with more than 
former animosity. At length the Roman perseve- 
rance was crowned with success; one victory fol- 
lowed on the back of another. Fabius Ruteo, the 
consul, once more showed them the way to naval 
victory, by defeating a large squadron of the enemy's 
ships ; but Lutatius Catulus gained a victory still 
more complete, in which the power of Carthage 
seemed totally destroyed at sea, by the loss of an 
hundred and twenty ships, according to the smallest 
computation. 

21. This loss brought the Carthagenians to sue for 
peace, which Rome thought proper to grant] but 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 93 

still inflexible in its demands, exacted the same con- 
ditions which Regulus had formerly offered at the 
gates of Carthage. These were, that they should 
lay down a thousand talents of silver to defray the 
charge of the war, and should pay two thousand two 
hundred more in ten years time ; that they should 
quit Sicily, with all such islands as they possessed 
near it : that they should never make war against 
the allies of Rome, or come with any vessel of war 
within the Roman dominions ; and lastly, that all 
their prisoners and deserters should be delivered up 
without ransom. 

22. To these hard conditions the Car- 
thagenians, now exhausted, readily sub- U. C. 
scribed; and thus ended the first Punic 513. 
war, which had lasted twenty-four years, 
and in some measure had drained both nations of 
everv resource to begin another. 



CHAPTER XV. 

From the end of the first Punic war to the end of the 
second. 

1. THE war being ended between tne Carthage- 
nians and the Romans, a profound peace ensued, 
and in about six years after, the temple of Janus was 
shut for the second time since the foundation of the 
city. The Romans, being thus in friendship with 
all nations, had an opportunit}' of turning to the arts 
of peace ; they now began to have a relish for 
poetry, the first liberal art which rises in every civi- 
lized nation, and the first also that decays. 

2. Hitherto they had been entertained only with 
the rude drolleries of their lowest buffoons : they had 
sports called Fescennini, in which a few debauched 
actors made their own parts, while raillery and smut 
supplied the place of humour. To these a composi- 



94 THE HISTORY OF THE 

tion of a higher kind succeeded, which they called 
satire, which was a kind of dramatic poem, in which 
the characters of the great were particularly pointed 
out, and made an object of derision to the vulgar. 

*3. After these came tragedy and comedy, which 
ivere borrowed from the Greek; and, indeed, the 
first dramatic poet of Rome, whose name was 
Livius Andronicus, was by birth a Grecian. 
U. C. The instant these finer kinds of compo- 
514. sition appeared, this great people reject- 
ed their former impurities with disdain. 

4. From thence forward they laboured upon the 
Grecian model ; and though they were never able to 
rival their masters in dramatic composition, they 
soon surpassed them in many of the more soothing 
kinds of poetry. Elegiac, pastoral, and didactic 
compositions, began to assume new beauties in the 
Roman language ; and satire, not that rude kind of 
dialogue already mentioned, but a nobler sort in- 
vented by Lucillius, was all their own. 

5. While they were thus admitting the arts of 
peace, they were not unmindful of making fresh pre- 
parations for war : all intervals of ease seemed rather 
to give fresh vigour for new designs, than to relax 
their former intrepiditj 7 . The lityrians were the 
first people upon whom they tried their strength, 
after some continuance of peace. That nation, 
which had long plundered the merchants of the Me- 
diterranean with impunity, happened to make depre- 
dations upon some of the trading subjects of Rome. 

6. This being complained of to Petua, 
527. the queen of the country, she, instead of 
granting redress, ordered the ambassador 
that was sent to demand restitution, to be murdered. 
A war ensued, in which the riomans were victorious: 
most of the Illyric towns were surrendered to the 
consuls, and a peace at last concluded, by which the 
greatest part of the country was ceded to Rome ; a 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 95 

yearly tribute was exacted for the rest, and a prohi- 
bition added, that the Illyrians should not sail be- 
yond the river Lissus with more than two barks, and 
those unarmed. 

7. The Gauls were the next people that incurred 
the displeasure of the Romans. Supposing a time 
of peace, when the armies were disbanded, a proper 
season for new irruptions, this barbarous people in- 
vited fresh forces from beyond the Alps, and, entering 
Etruria, wasted all with fire and sword till they came 
within about three days journey of Rome. A praetor 
and a consul were sent to oppose them, who, now in- 
structed in the improved arts of war, were enabled 
to surround the Gauls, who still retained their pri- 
meval barbarity. 

8. [t was in vain that those hardy troops, who 
had nothing but their courage to protect them, form- 
ed two fronts to oppose their adversaries; their naked 
bodies and undisciplined forces were unable to with- 
stand the shock of an enemy completely armed, and 
skilled in military evolutions. A miserable slaughter 
ensued, in which forty thousand were killed, and ten 
thousand taken prisoners. 

9. This victory was followed by another gained 
over them by Marcellus, in which he killed Virido- 
marus, their king, with his own hand, and gained 
the third royal spoils that were yet obtained at Rome. 
These conquests forced them to beg a peace, the con- 
ditions of which served greatly to enrich the empire. 
Thus the Romans went on with success; they had 
now totally recovered their former losses, and only 
wanted an enemy worthy of their arms to begin a 
new war. 

10. The Carthagenians had only made a peace 
because they were no longer able to continue the 
war. They therefore took the earliest opportunity 
of breaking the treaty : they besieged Saguntum, a 
city of Spain, which had been in alliance with Rome; 
and though desired to desist, prosecuted f heir opera- 



96 THE HISTORY OF THE 

tions with vigour. Ambassadors were sent in con- 
sequence from Rome to Carthage, complaining oi 
the infraction of their articles, and requiring that 
Hannibal the Carthagenian general, who had advi- 
sed this measure, should be delivered up; which 
being refused, both sides prepared for a second Pu- 
nic war. 

11. The Carthagenians trusted the management 
of it on their side to Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar 
This extraordinary man had been made the sworn 
foe of Rome almost from his infancy; for, while yet 
very young, his father brought him before the altar, 
and obliged him to take an oath, that he never would 
be in friendship with the Romans, nor desist from 
opposing their pow T er, until he or they should be no 
more. On his first appearance in the field, he re- 
conciled, in his own person, the most just method oi 
commanding with the most perfect obedience to his 
superiours. 

12. Thus he was equally beloved by his generals 
and the troops he was appointed to lead. He was 
possessed of the greatest courage in opposing danger, 
and the greatest presence of mind in retiring from it. 
No fatigue was able to subdue his body, nor any 
misfortune to break his spirit : equally patient of heat 
and cold, he only took sustenance to content nature, 
and not to delight his appetite. He was the best 
horseman, and the swiftest runner of his time. 

13. This great general, who is considered as the 
most skilful of antiquity, having overrun all Spain, 
and levied a large army of various languages and 
nations, resolved to carry the war into Italy itself, 
as the Romans had before carried it into the domi- 
nions of Carthage. For this purpose, leaving Hanno 
with a sufficient force to guard his conquests, in 
Spain, he crossed the Pyrenean mountains into Gaul, 
with an army of fifty thousand foot, and nine thou- 
sand horse. 

14. He quickly traversed that country, which was 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 97 

then wild and extensive, and filled with nations that 
were his declared enemies. In vain its forests and 
rivers appeared to intimidate him; in vain the Rhone, 
with its rapid currents, and its banks covered with 
enemies, or the Dura branched out into numberless 
channels, opposed his way; he passed them all with 
perseverance, and in ten days arrived at the foot 01 
the Alps, over which he was to explore a new T passage 
into Italy. It was in the midst of winter when this 
astonishing project was undertaken. 

15. The season added new horrors to a scene that 
nature had already crowned with objects of dismay. 
The prodigious height, and tremendous steepness of 
the mountains, capped with snow, the people barba- 
rous^and fierce, dressed in skins, with long and shaggy 
hair, presented a picture that impressed the beholders 
with astonishment and terror. But nothing was ca- 
pable of subduing the courage of the Carthageniau 
general ; for, at the end of fifteen da3 7 s, spent in 
crossing the Alps, he found himself in the plains of 
Italy with about half his army remaining, the rest 
having died of the cold, or been cut off by the na- 
tives. 

16. As soon as it was known at Rome, dial Han- 
nibal, at the head of an immense army, was crossing 
the Alps, in order to invade their dominions, the 
senate sent Scipio to oppose him, who was obliged 
to retreat with considerable loss. In the inean time, 
Hannibal being thus victorious, took the most pru- 
dent precautions to increase his army, giving orders 
always to spare the possessions of the Gauls, while 
his depredations were permitted upon those of Rome ; 
and this so pleased that simple people, that they de- 
clared for him in great numbers, and flocked to his 
standard with alacrity. 

17. The second battle was fought upon the banks 
of the river Trebia. The Carthagenian general be- 
ing apprised of the Roman impetuosity, of which he 
always availed himself in almost every engagement, 

9 E 



98 THE HISTORY OF THE 

had sent off a body of a thousand horse, each with a 
foot soldier behind, across the river, to ravage the 
enemy's country, and provoke them to engage. 
The Romans quickly routed this force, who seeming 
to be defeated, took the river and were as eagerly 
pursued by Sempronius the consul. 

18. It was not, however, till his army was got 
upon the opposite bank, that he perceived himself 
half conquered already, his men being fatigued with 
wading up to their armpits, and quite benumbed by 
the intense coldness of the water, A total rout en- 
sued ; twenty-six thousand of the Romans were either 
killed by the enemy, or drowned in attempting to 
repass the river. A body of ten thousand men were 
all that survived ; who, finding themselves enclosed 
on every side, broke desperately through the enemy's 
ranks, and fought retreating, till they found shelter 
in the city of Placentia. 

19. The third defeat the Romans sustained, was 
at the lake of Thrasmene ; near to which was a chain 
of mountains,- and between these and the lake, a 
narrow passage leading to a valley that was: embo- 
somed in hills. It was upon these hills that Hannibal 
disposed his best troops, and it was into this valley 
th'U Flaminius, the Roman general, led his men to 
attack him. 

20. A disposition every way so favourable for the 
Carthagenians was also assisted by accident ; for a 
mist rising from the lake, kept the Romans from 
seeing their enemies; while the army upon the moun- 
tains, being above its influence, saw the whole dis- 
position of their opponents. The fortune of the day 
was such as might be expected from the conduct of 
the two generals : the Roman army was broken and 
slaughtered, almost before they could perceive the 
enemy that destroyed them. About fifteen thousand 
Romans, together with Flaminius himself fell in the 
valley, and six thousand more were obliged to yield 
themselves prisoners of war. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 99 

21. Upon the news of this defeat at Rome, after 
the general consternation was allayed, the senate, 
upon mature deliberation, resolved to elect a com- 
mander with absolute authority, in whom they might 
repose their last and greatest expectations. 

22. Their choice fell upon Fabius Maximus, a 
man of great courage, but with a happy mixture oi 
caution. He was apprised that the only way to 
humble the Carthagenians at such a distance from 
home, was rather by harrassing them than by fight- 
ing. For this purpose he always encamped upon 
the highest grounds, inaccessible to the enemy's ca- 
valry. Whenever they moved, he moved, watched 
their motions, straitened their quarters, and cut off 
their provisions. 

23. By these arts, Fabius had actually at one 
time enclosed Hannibal among mountains, where it 
was impossible to winter, and yet from which it was 
almost impracticable to extricate his army without 
imminent danger. In this exigence nothing but one 
of those stratagems of war, which fall to the lot of 
great abilities only to invent, could save him : he or- 
dered a number of small faggots and lighted torches 
to be tied to the horns of two thousand oxen that lie 
had in his camp, and that they should be driven to- 
wards the enemy. 

24. These tossing their heads, and running up the 
sides of the mountains, seemed to fill the whole 
neighbouring forest with fire; while the sentinels 
that were placed to guard the approaches of the 
mountain, seeing such a number of flames advancing 
towards their posts, fled in consternation, supposing 
the whole body of the enemy was in arms to over- 
whelm them, — By this stratagem Hannibal drew off 
his army, and escaped through the defiles that lead 
beneath the hills, though with considerable damage 
to his rear. 

25. Soon after, Fabius was obliged to lay down 
his office, his time being expired, and Tarentius 



100 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Varro was chosen by the majority to succeed to the 
command. This Tarentius Varro was a man sprung 
from the dregs of the people, with nothing but his 
confidence and riches to recommend him. With 
him was joined iEmilius Paulus, of a disposition en- 
tirely opposite: experienced in the field, cautious in 
action, and impressed with a thorough contempt for 
the abilities of his Plebeian colleague. 

26. The Romans, finding themselves enabled to 
bring a competent force into the field, being almost 
ninetj' thousand strong, now again resolved to meet 
Hannibal, who was at this tune encamped near the 
village of Cannae, w r ith a wind that for a certain sea- 
son blows still one w T ay in his rear, which raising 
great clouds of dust from the parched plains behind, 
he knew must greatly distress an approaching enemy. 
In th ; s situation he waited the coming up of the Ro- 
mans with an army of forty thousand foot, and half 
that number of cavalry. 

27. The two consuls soon appeared to his wish, 
dividing their forces into two parts, and agreeing to 
take the command every day by turns. On the first 
day of their arrival, it falling to the lot of iEmilius 
to command, he was entirely averse to engaging. 
The next day, however, it being come to Varro's 
turn to command, he without asking his colleague's 
concurrence, gave the signal for battle ; and passing 
the river Aufidus that lay between both armies, put 
his forces in array. The battle began with the light 
armed infantry; the horse engaged soon after: and 
the Roman cavalry being unable to stand against 
those of Numidia, the legions came up to reinforce 
them. 

28. It was then that the conflict became general : 
the Roman soldiers for along time- endeavoured, but 
in vain, to penetrate the centre, where the Gauls and 
Spaniards fought ; which Hannibal observing, or- 
dered part of those troops to give way, and to per- 
mit the Romans to embosom themselves within a 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 101 

chosen body of his Africans whom he had placed on 
their wing, so as to surround them ; upon that a ter- 
rible slaughter began to ensue of the Romans, fa- 
tigued with repeated attacks from the Africans, who 
were fresh and vigorous. 

29. At last the rout became general in every part 
of the Roman army ; the boastings of Varro were 
now no longer heard ; while iEmilius, who had been 
terribly wounded by a slinger in the very beginning 
of the engagement, still feebly led on his body of 
horse, and did all tha v could be done to make head 
against the enemy ; however, being unable to sit on 
horseback, he was forced to dismount. 

30. It was in this deplorable condition of things, 
that one Lentulus, a tribune of the army, as he waf 
flying on horseback from the enemy, which at some 
distance pursued him, met iEmilius sitting upon a 
stone, covered over with blood and wounds, and 
waiting for the coming up of the pursuers. " jEmi- 
" lius," cried the generous tribune ; " you at least 
" are guiltless of this day's slaughter : take my horse 
" and fly. 5 ' " I thank thee, Lentulus," cried the 
dying consul, " all is over, my part is chosen : go, 
" I command thee, and tell the senate from me, to 
" fortify Rome against the approach of the conquer- 
" or. Tell Fabius also, that iEmilius, while living, 
" ever remembered his advice, and now, dying, ap- 
iC proves it." 

31. While he was yet speaking the enemy ap- 
proached ; and Lentulus, before he was out of view, 
saw the consul expire, feebly fighting in the midst of 
hundreds. In this battle the Romans lost fifty thou- 
sand men, and so many knights, that it is said Han- 
nibal sent three bushels of gold rings to Carthage, 
which those of this order had worn on their fin- 
gers. 

32. When the first consternation was abated after 
this dreadful blow at Rome, the senate came to a ge- 
neral resolution to create a dictator, in order to give 

9* 



102 THE HISTORY OF THE 

strength to their government. A short time after, 
Varro arrived, having left behind him the wretched 
remains o r his army ; and, as he had been the prin- 
cipal cause of the late calamity, it was natural to 
suppose that the senate wouM severely reprimand the 
rashness of his conduct. 

33. But far otherwise ! The Romans went out in 
multitudes to meet him ; and the senate returned him 
thanks that he did not despair of the safety of Rome. 
Fabius, who was considered as the shield of Rome, 
and Marcellus as the sword, vere appointed to lead 
the armies ; and though Hannibal once more offered 
them peace, they refused it, but upon condition that 
he should quit Italy. Terms similar to those they 
had formerly insisted upon from Pyrrhus. 

34. In the mean time, Hannibal, either finding 
the impossibility of marching directly to Rome, or 
willing to give his forces rest after such a mighty 
victory, led them to Capua, where he resolved to 
winter. This city had long been considered as the 
nurse of luxury, and the corrupter of all military 
virtue ; here, therefore, a new scene of pleasure open- 
ed to his barbarian troops ; and they at once gave 
themselves up to the intoxication, till, from being 
hardy veterans, they became infirm rioters. 

35. Hitherto we have found this great man success- 
ful ; but now we are to reverse the picture, and sur- 
vey him struggling with accumulated misfortunes, 
and at last sinking beneath them. 

36. His first loss was at the siege of Nola, where 
Marcellus the praetor made a successful sally. He 
some time after attempted to raise the siege of Capua : 
and attacked the Romans in their trenches, but he was 
repulsed with considerable loss. — He then made a 
feint of going to besiege Rome ; but finding a su- 

periour army ready to receive him, he was 

U. C. obliged to retire. For some years after 

544. he fought with various success ; Marcellus 

his opponent, sometimes gaining, and 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 103 

sometimes losing the advantage, but coming to no 
decisive engagement. 

37. The senate of Carthage at length came to a 
resolution of sending his brother Asdrubal to his as- 
sistance, with a body of forces drawn out of Spain. 
AsdrubaPs march being made known to the consuls 
Livius and Nero, they went against him with great 
expedition, and surrounding him in a place, into 
which he was led by the treachery of his guides, 
they cut his whole army to pieces* 

38. Hannibal had long expected these succours 
with impatience ; and the very night on which he had 
been assured of his brother's arrival, Nero ordered 
Asdrubal's head to be cut off, and thrown into his 
brother's camp. The Cartbageniaii general now 
therefore began to perceive the approaches of the 
downfall of Carthage, and could not help with a sigh 
observing to those about him, that fortune seemed 
fatigued with granting her favours, 

39. In the mean time, fortune seemed to favour the 
Roman arms in other parts ; Marcellus took the city 
of Syracuse in Sicily, which was defended by the ma- 
chines and the fires of Archimedes the mathematician. 

40. The inhabitants were put to the sword, and 
among the rest Archimedes himself, who was found 
meditating in his study by a Roman soldier. Mar- 
cellus, the general, was not a little grieved at his death." 
A passion for letters at that time began to prevail 
among the higher ranks of people at Rome. — He 
therefore ordered his body to be honourably buried, 
and a tomb to be erected to his memory, which his 
own works have long survived. 

41. As to their fortunes in Spain, though for awhile 
they appeared doubtful, two of the Scipios being slain, 
and Claudius Nero, the governor of the province 
appearing much an undermatch for the cunning of 
the Carthagenian general, yet they soon recovered 
their complexion under the conduct of Scipio Afri- 
can us, who sued for the office of proconsul 1 h tha' 



104 THE HISTORY OF THE 

kingdom, at a time when every one else was willing 
to decline it. 

42. Scipio, who was now but twenty-four years 
old, had all the qualifications requisite for forming 
a great general and a good man ; he united the great- 
est courage with the greatest tenderness; superiour to 
Hannibal in the arts of peace, and almost his equal in 
those of war. His father had been killed in Spain, 
so that he seemed to have an hereditary claim to at- 
tack that country. He therefore appeared irresisti- 
ble, obtaining many great victories, yet subduing still 
more by his generosity, mildness, and benevolent dis- 
position, than by the force of his arms. 

43. It was shortly after that he returned with an 
army from the conquest of Spain, and was made 
consul at the age of twenty-nine. It was at first sup- 
posed he intended meeting Hannibal in Italy, and 
that he would attempt driving him from thence ; but 
he had already formed a wiser plan, which was to 
carry the war into Africa, and, while the Carthage- 
nians kept an army near Rome, to make them trem- 
ble for their own capital. 

44. Scipio was not long in Africa without employ- 
ment ; for in a short time Hanno opposed him, but 
he was defeated and slain. Syphax the usurper oi 
Numidia, led up a large army against him. The 
Roman general for a time declined fighting, till find- 
ing an opportunity, he set fire to the enemy's tents, 
and attacking them in the midst of the confusion, 
killed forty thousand men, and took six thousand 
prisoners. 

45. The Carthagenians now, beginning to be ter- 
rified at their repeated defeats, and the fame of Sci- 
pio's successes, determined to recal Hannibal, their 
great champion, out of Italy, in order to oppose the 
Romans at home. Deputies were accordingly des- 
patched, with a positive command for him to return 
and oppose the Roman general, who at that time 
threatened Carthage with a siege. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 105 

46. Nothing could exceed the regret and disap- 
pointment of Hannibal upon receiving this order. 
However, he obeyed the orders of his infatuated coun- 
try with the same submission that the meanest sol- 
dier wouJd have done, and took leave of Italy, with 
tears in his eyes, after having kept possession of the 
most beautiful parts of it for above fifteen years. 

47. Upon his arrival at Leptis in Africa, from 
whence he marched to Adrumetum, he at last ap- 
proached Zama, a city within five day's journey of 
Carthage* Scipio, in th€ mean time, led his army 
to meet him, joined by Massinissa with six thousand 
horse ; and, to show his rival in the field how little 
he feared his approach, sent back the spies which were 
sent to explore his camp, having previously shown 
them the whole, with directions to inform Hannibal 
of what they had seen. 

48.. The Carthagenian general, conscious of his 
inferiority, endeavoured to discontinue the war by 
negotiation, and desired a meeting with Scipi© to 
confer upon terms of peace, to which the Roman 
general assented. But, after a long conference, both 
sides parting dissatisfied, they returned to their camps 
to prepare for deciding the controversy by the sword. 
Never was a more memorable battle fought, whether 
we regard the generals, the armies^ the two states 
that contended, or the empire that was in dis- 
pute. 

49. The disposition Hannibal made of his men, 
is said, by the skilful in the art of war, to be supe- 
riour to any of his former arrangements. The battle 
began with the elephants on the side of the Carthage- 
n!ans, which, being terrified at the cries of the Ro- 
mans, and wounded by the slingers and archers, 
turned upon their drivers, and caused much cOiifu- 
s'io:i in both wings of their army, in which the ca- 
valry was placed. Being thus deprived of the as- 
sistance of the horse, in which their greatest strength 
consisted P the heavy infantry joined on both sides ; 



106 THE HISTORY OF THE 

but the Romans being stronger of body, theCarthage- 
nians were obliged to give ground. 

50. In the mean time Massinissa, who had been 
in pursuit of their cavalry, returning and attacking 
them in the rear, completed their defeat. A total 
rout ensued, twenty thousand men were killed in the 
battle or the pursuit, and as many were taken pri- 
soners. Hannibal, who had done all that a great 
general and an undaunted soldier could perform, 
fled with a small body of horse to Adrumetum, for- 
tune seeming to delight in confounding his ability, 
his valour, and experience. 

51. This victory brought on a peace. The Car- 
thagenians, by Hannibal's advice, offered conditions 
to the Romans, which they dictated not as rivals, but 
as sovereigns. By this treaty the Carthagenians 
were obliged to quit Spain, and all the islands in the 
Mediterranean sea. They were bound to pay ten 
thousand talents in fifty years ; to give hostages for 
the delivery of their ships and their elephants ; to 
restore Massinissa all the territories that had been 
taken from him ; and not to make war in Africa but 
by the permission of the Romans. Thus ended the 
second Punic war, seventeen years after it had begun 



CHAPTER XVI. 

From the end of the second Punic war, to the end 
of the third, which terminated in the destruction oj 
Carthage. 

1. WHILE the Romans were engaged with Han- 
nibal, they carried on also a vigorous war against 
Philip, king of Macedonia, not a little incited there- 
to by the prayers of the Athenians, who, from once 
controlling the power of Persia, were now unable to 
defend themselves. The Rhodhns, with Atcalus, 
king of Pergamus, also entered into the confederacy 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 101 

against Philip. He was more than once defeated by 
Golba the ronsul, who was sent against him. He 
attempted to besiege Athens, but the Romans obli- 
ged him to raise the siege. 

2. He attempted to take possession of the streights 
of Thermopylae, but was driven from them by Quin- 
tus Flaminius with great slaughter. He attempted 
to take refuge in Thessaly, where he was again de- 
feated with considerable loss and obliged to beg a 
peace, upon condition of paying a thousand talents, 
half down, and the other half in the space of tea 
years. — The peace with Philip gave the Romans an 
opportunity of showing their generosity, by restor- 
ing liberty to Greece. 

3. Antiocaus, king of Syria, was next brought to 
submit to the Roman arms : after some embassies 
on the one side and the other, a war was declared 
against him, five years after the conclusion of the 
Macedonian war. 

4. After various mistakes and misconduct, he at- 
tempted to obtain a peace, by offering to quit all his 

()laces in Europe, and such in Asia as professed *J- 
iance to Rome. But it was now too late ; Scipio, 
perceiving his own superiority, was resolved to avail 
himself of it. Antiochus, thus driven into resistance, 
for some time retreated before the enemy, till, being 
pressed hard near the city of Magnesia, he was for- 
ced to draw out his men, to the number of seventy 
thousand foot, and twelve thousand norse. Scipio 
opposed hiiu with forces as much inferiour in number 
as they were superiour in courage and discipline. 

5. Antiochus therefore was in a short time entirely 
defeated; his own chariots, cirmed with scythes, being 
driven back upon his men, contributed much to his 
overthrow. Beingthus reduced to the last extremity, he 
was glad to procure ^eace of the Romans upon their 
own terms : which were, to pay fifteen thousand ta- 
lents towards the expenses of the war, to quit all his 
possessions in Europe, and likewise all in Asia on 



*08 THE HISTORY OF THE 

that side Mount Taurus, to give twenty hostages as 
pledges of his fidelity, and to deliver up Hannibal, 
the inveterate enemy of Rome. 

6. In the mean time, Hannibal, whose destruction 
was one of the articles of this extorted treaty, en- 
deavoured to avoid the threatened ruin. This con- 
summate general had been long a wanderer, and an 
exile from his ungrateful country. He had taken 
refuge at the court of Antiochus, who at first gave 
him a sincere welcome, and made him admiral of his 
fleet, in which station he showed his usual skill in 
stratagem. 

7. But he soon sunk in die Syrian's esteem, for hav- 
ing advised schemes which that monarch had neither 
genros toimderstand nor talents to execute. Sure, there- 
fore, to find no safety or protection, he departed by 
stealth ; and, after wandering for a time among petty 
states, who had neither power nor generosity to 
protect him, he took refuge at the court of Prusias 
king of Bithynia. 

8. In the mean time the Romans, with a vindic- 
tive spirit utterly unworthy of them, sent JEmilius, 
one of their most celebrated generals, to demand him 
of this king, who, fearing the resentment of Rome, 
and willing to conciliate their friendship by this breach 
of hospitality, ordered a guard to be placed upon 
Hannibal, with an intent to deliver him up. 

9. The poor old general, thus implacably perse- 
cuted from one country to another, and finding all 
methods of safety cut off, determined to die ; he 
therefore desired one of his followers to bring him 
poison, which he had ready for this exigence ; and 
drinking it, he expired, as he had lived, with intre- 
pid bravery. 

10. A second Macedonian war was soon 

U. C. after proclaimed against Perseus, the son 

583. of Philip, whom we have already seen 

obliged to beg peace of the Romans. 

Perseus, in order to secure the crown, had contrived 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 109 

to murder his brother Demetrius ; and, upon the 
death of his father, pleased with the hopes of imagin- 
ary triumphs, made war against Rome. 

11. During the course of this war, which contin- 
ued about three years, many opportunities were 
offered him of cutting off the Roman army ; but 
being perfectly ignorant how to take advantage of 
their rashness, he spent the time in empty overtures 
for a peace. At length iEmilius gave him a decisive 
overthrow near the river Enipeus. He attempted to 
procure safety by flying into Crete; but being aban- 
doned by all, he was obliged to surrender himself 
and to grace the splendid triumph of the Roman 
general. 

12. About this time Massinissa, the Numidian, 
having made some incursions into a territory claimed 
by the Carthagenians, they attempted to repel the 
invasion. This brought on a war between that mo- 
narch and them ; while the Romans, who pretended 
to consider this conduct of theirs as an infraction of 
the treaty, sent to make a complaint. 

13. The ambassadors who were employed upon 
this occasion, finding the city very rich and flourish- 
ing, from the long interval of peace which it had 
now enjoyed for near fifty years, either from motives 
of avarice to possess its plunder, or from fear of its 
growing greatness, insisted much on the necessity oi 
a war, which was soon after proclaimed; and the 
consul set out with a thorough resolution utterly to 
demolish Carthage. 

14. The wretched Carthagenians, finding that the 
conquerors would not desist from making demands 
while they had any thing left to supply, attempted to 
soften the victors by submission ; but they received 
orders to leave their city, which was to be levelled 
with the ground. This severe command they re- 
ceived with all the concern and distress of despairing 
people : they implored for a respite from such a hard 
sentence : they used tears and lamentations ; but 

10 



110 THE HISTORY OF THE 

finding the consuls inexorable, they departed with a 
gloomy resolution, prepared to suffer the utmost ex- 
tremities, and to fight to the last for their seat of 
empire. 

15. Those vessels therefore, of gold and silver, 
which their luxury had taken suck pride in, were 
converted into arms. The women parted also with 
their ornaments, and even cut off their hair, to be 
converted into strings for the bowmen. Asdrubal, 
who had been lately condemned for opposing the Ro- 
mans, was now taken from prison to head their army ; 
and such preparations were made, that, when the 
consuls came before the city, which they expected to 
find an easy conquest, they met with such resistance 
as quite dispirited their forces, and shook their reso- 
lution. 

16. Several engagements were fought before the 
walls, with disadvantage to the assailants ; so that 
the siege would have been discontinued, had not &ci- 
pio iEmilicmuSj the adopted son of Africanus T who 
was now appointed to command it, used as much skill 
to save his forces after a defeat, as to inspire thera 
with fresh hopes of victory. But all his arts would 
have failed, had he not found means to seduce Phar- 
neas, die master of the Carthagenian horse, who came 
over to his side. 

17. The unhappy townsmen soon saw the enemy 
make nearer approaches ; the wall which led to the 
haven was quickly demolished, soon after the Forum 
itself was taken, which offered the conquerors a de- 
plorable spectacle of houses nodding to the fall, heaps 
of men lying dead, hundreds of the wounded strug- 
gling to emerge from the carnage around them, and 
deploring their own and their country's ruin. 

18. The citadel soon after surrendered at discre- 
tion. All now but the temple was subdued, and that 
was defended by deserters from the Roman army, and 
those who had been most forward to undertake the 
war. These however, expecting no mercy, and find- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. Ill 

ing their condition desperate, set fire to the building*, 
and voluntarily perished in the flames. This was the 
€lid of one of the most renowned cities in the world, 
both for arts, opulence, and extent of dominion ; it 
had rivalled Rome for above an hundred years, and 
at one time was thought to have the superiority. 

19. This conquest over Carthage was soon follow- 
ed by many over other states. Corinth, one of the no- 
blest cities of Greece, in the same year sustained the 
same fate, being entered by Mummius, the consul, and 
levelled to the ground. Scipio, also having laid siege 
to Nurnantia, the strongest city in Spain, the wretch- 
ed inhabitants, to avoid falling into the hands of the 
enemy, fired the city over their own heads, and all 
to a man, expired in the flames. Thus Spain became 
a province belonging to Rome, and was governed 
thence forward by two annual praetors. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

From the destruction of Carthage, to the end of the 
sedition of the Gracchi. 

[U. C. 621.] 

1. THE Romans being now left without a rival, 
the triumphs and the spoils of Asia brought in a taste 
for splendid expense ; and these produced avarice, 
and inverted ambition. The two Gracchi were the 
first who saw this strange corruption amo Ai g the great, 
and resolved to repress it, by renewing the Licinian 
law, which had enacted that no person in the state 
should possess above five hundred acres of land. Ti- 
berius Gracchus, the eldest of the two, was a person 
very considerable both for the advantages of his 
body, and the qualities of his mind. 

2. Very different from Scipio, of whom he was 
the grandson, he seemed more ambitious of power 



112 THE HISTORY OF THE 

than desirous of glory : his compassion for the op- 
pressed, was equal to his animosity against the op- 
pressors ; but unhappily, his passions, rather than his 
reason, operated even in pursuits of virtue ; and these 
always drove him beyond the line of duty. 

3. This was the disposition of the elder Gracchus, 
who found the lower part of the people ready to se- 
cond all Ills proposals.— This law, though at first car- 
ried on with proper moderation, greatly disgusted the 
rich, who endeavoured to persuade the people, that 
the proposer only aimed at disturbing the government, 
and putting all things into confusion. But Grac- 
chus, who was a man of the greatest eloquence of his 
time, easily wiped off these impressions from the 
minds of the people, already irritated with their 
wrongs, and at length the law was passed. 

4. The death of Attains king of Pergamus, furnish- 
ed Tiberius Gracchus with a new opportunity of gra- 
tifying the meaner part of the people at the expense 
of the great. This king had by his last will left the 
Romans his heirs ; and it was now proposed that the 
money so left should be divided among the poor, in 
order to furnish them with proper utensils for culti- 
vating the lands which became theirs by the late law 
of partition. 

5. This caused still greater disturbances than be- 
fore ; the senate assembling upon this occasion in 
order to consult the most proper methods of securing 
these riches to themselves, which they now valued 
above the saiety of the commonwealth ; they had nu- 
merous dependents, who were willing to give up li- 
berty for plenty and ease ; these, therefore, were 
commanded to be in readiness, to intimidate the peo- 
ple, who expected no such opposition, and who were 
new attending to the harangues of Tiberius Gracchu3 
in the capitol. 

6. Here, as a clamour was raised by the clients of 
the great on one side, and by the favourers of the law 
on the other, Tiberius found his speech entirely in- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 113 

terrupted, and begged in vain to be attended to ; till, 
at last, raising his hand to his head, to intimate that 
his life was in danger, the partizans of the senate 
gave out that he wanted a diadem. 

7. In consequence of this an universal uproar 
spread itself through all ranks of people ; the corrupt 
part of the senate were of opinion, that the consul 
should defend the commonwealth by force of arms ; 
but this prudent magistrate declining such violence, 
Scipio Nasica, kinsman to Gracchus, immediately 
rose up, and preparing himself for the contest, desired 
that all who would defend the dignity and the autho- 
rity of the laws should follow him. Upon this, at- 
tended by a large body of senators and clients, armed 
with clubs, he went directly to the capitol, striking 
down all who ventured to resist. 

8. Tibereus, perceiving by the tumult that his life 
was sought for, endeavoured to fly ; and throwing 
aside his robe to expedite his escape, attempted to 
get through the throng ; but happening to fall over 
a person already on the ground, Saturnius, one of 
his colleagues in the tribuneship, who was of the op- 
posite faction, struck him dead with a piece of a seat ; 
and riot less than three hundred of his hearers shared 
the same fate, being killed in the tumult. Nor did 
the vengeance of the senate rest here, but extended 
to numbers of those who seemed to espouse his cause ; 
many of them were put to death, many were banish- 
ed, and nothing was omitted to inspire the people 
with an abhorence of his pretended crimes. 

9. Caius Gracchus, the brother of him who was 
slain, was but twenty-one upon the death of Tiberius, 
and as he was too young to be much dreaded by the 
great, so he was the first unwilling to incur their re- 
sentment by aims beyond his reach ; he therefore 
lived in retirement, unseen and almost forgotten. 
But, while he thus seemed desirous of avoiding po^ 
pularity, he was employing his solitude in the stQO 
of eloquence, which was the readiest means to ex ' 

10* K 2 



114 THE HISTORY OF THE 

it : at length, when he thought himself qualified to 
serve elf candidate for the 

he readily 

obtained. 

10. His valour, affability, and temperance in his 
office were remarked by all. The king of Numidia, 
sending n to the Romans, ordered his 
ambassador to say that it was entirely as a tribute 

3 of Caius Gracchus. This the senate 
treated v rn, and ordered the ambassadors to 

be dismissed with contempt, as ignorant barbarians; 
which so i the r nt of young Grac- 

chus, that he immediately came from the army to 
complain of ike ind hrown upon his reputa- 

tion, an If for the tribuneship of the 

11. It was then that the great found in this youth, 

] been hitherto neglected upon account of his 
age, a- more formidable antagonist than even his bro- 
been. Notwithstanding the warmest oppo- 
sition te, he was declared tribune by a 
and he now prepared to run the same 
career which his brother had gone before him. 

. His first effort was to have Popilius, one of 

of his brother's enemies, cited 

a stand the event 

e to go into voluntary banishment. 

n edict, granting the freedom of 

the inhabitants of Latium, and soon after 

lie people on that side the Alps. He after- 

v. ards fixed the price of corn to a moderate standard, 

„d a monthly distribution of it among 

people. 

13. He then proceeded to an inspection into the 

ons of the senate; in which the whole 

bod; convicted of bribery, extortion, and the 

es, for at that time a total degeneracy 

10 have taken place, a law was made, trans- 

*ng corrupt magistrates from 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 115 

the senate to the knights, which made a great altera- 
tion in the constitution. 

14. Gracchus, by these means, being grown not 
only very popular, but very powerful in the state, was 
become an object at which the senate aimed all their 
resentment. But he soon found the populace a 
faithless and unsteady support; they began to with- 
draw all their confidence from him, and place it upon 
Drusus, a man insidiously set up against him by the 
senate. 

15. It was in vain that he revived the Licinian 
law in their favour, and called up several of the in- 
habitants of the different towns of Italy to his sup- 
port ; the senate ordered them all to depart Rome, 
and even sent one stranger to prison, whom Gracchus 
had invited to live with him, and honoured with his 
table and friendship. To this indignity was shortly 
after added a disgrace of a more fatal tendency; for 
standing for the tribuneship a third time, he was re- 
jected, it being supposed that the officers, wdiose duty 
it was to make the return, were bribed to reject him 
though fairly chosen. 

16. It was now seen that the fate of Gracchus was 
resolved on. Opimius, the consul, was not contented 
with the protection of all the senate and the knights, 
with a numerous retinue of slaves and clients, but 
ordered a body of Candians, that were mercenaries 
in the Roman service, to follow and attend him. 
Thus guarded, and conscious of the superiority of 
his forces, he insulted Gracchus wherever he met him, 
doing all in his power to produce a quarrel, in which 
he might have a pretence of despatching his enemy in 
the fray. 

17. Gracchus avoided all recrimination ; and, as 
if apprised of the consul's designs, would not even 
wear any kind of arms for his defence, His friend 
Flaccus, however, a zealous tribune, was not so re- 
miss, but resolved to oppose party against party, and 
for this purpose brought up several countrymen to 



116 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Rome, who came under pretence of desiring em- 
ployment. 

18. When the day for determining the controversy 
was arrived, the two parties early in the morning 
attended at the capitol, where, while the consul was 
sacrificing, according to custom, one of the lictors, 
taking up the entrails of the beast that was slain, in 
order to remove them, could not forbear crying out 
to Fulvius and his party, " You, ye factious citizens, 
make way for honest men." 

19. This insult so provoked the party to whom it 
was addressed, that they instantly fell upon him, and 
pierced him to death with the instruments they used 
in writing, which they then happened to have in their 
hands. This murder caused a great disturbance in 
the assembly ; but particularly Gracchus, who saw 
the consequences that were likely to ensue, repri- 
manded his party for giving his enemies such ad- 
vantage over him, but now prepared to lead his fol- 
lowers to mount Aventine. 

20. It was there he learned that proclamation had 
been made by the consuls, that whoever should bring 
either his head or that of Flaccus, should receive its 
weight in gold as a reward. It was to no purpose 
that he sent the youngest son of Flaccus, who was 
yet a child, with proposals for an accommodation. 
The senate and the consuls, who were sensible of 
their superiority, rejected all his offers, and resolved 
to punish his offence with nothing less than death ; 
and they offered pardon also to all who should leave 
him immediately. 

21. This produced the desired effect ; the people 
fell from him by degrees, and left him with very in- 
feriour forces. In the mean time, Opimius, the con- 
sul who thirsted for slaughter, leading his forces up 
to mount Aventine, fell in among the crowd with 
ungovernable fury ; a terrible slaughter of the scarce 
resisting multitude ensued, and not less than three 
thousand citizens were slain upon the spot. Flac 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 117 

cus attempted to find shelter in a ruinous cottage ; 
but being discovered, was slain with his eldest son. 

22. Gracchus at first retired to the temple of Di- 
ana, where he was resolved to die by his own hand ; 
but was prevented by two of his faithful friends and 
followers Pomponius and Lucinius, who forced him 
to seek safety by flight. From thence he made the 
best of his way to cross a bridge that led from the 
city, still attended by his two generous friends, and 
a Grecian slave, whose name was Philocrates. But 
his pursuers still pressed upon him from behind, and 
when come to the foot of the bridge, he was obliged 
to turn and face the enemy. 

23. His two friends were soon slain, defending 
him against the crowd ; and he was forced to take 
refuge with his slave in a grove beyond the Tyber, 
which had long been dedicated to the furies. Here 
finding himself surrounded on every side, and no way 
left of escaping, he prevailed upon his slave to kill 
him, who immediately after killed himself, and fell 
down upon the body of his beloved master. 

24. The pursuers soon coming up, cut off the head 
of Gracchus, and placed it for a while as a trophy, 
upon a spear. Soon after, one Septimulcius carry- 
ing it home, there, first having secretly taken out the 
brain, he filled it with lead in order to make it weigh 
heavier, and thus received of the consul seventeen 
pounds of gold as his recompense. 

25. Thus died Caius Gracchus about ten years 
after his brother Tiberius, and six after he began to 
be active in the commonwealth. He is usually im- 
peached by historians as guilty of sedition ; but from 
what we see of his character, the disturbance of pub- 
lic tranquillity was rather owing to his opposers than 
to him ; so that instead of calling the tumults of that 
time the sedition of the Gracchi, we should rather 
call them the sedition of the senate against the Grac- 
chi, since the efforts of the latter were made in vindi- 
cation of a law to which the senate had assented, and 



118 THE HISTORY OF THE 

as the designs of the former were supported by an 
extraneous armed power from the country that had 
never before meddled in the business of the legisla- 
tion, and whose introduction gave a most irrecovera- 
ble blow to the constitution. 

26. Whether the Gracchi were actuated by mo- 
tives of ambition or of patriotism in the promulgation 
of these laws, it is impossible to determine; but cer- 
tain it is, from what appears, that all justice was on 
their side, and all injury on that of the senate. In 
fact, this body was now quite changed from that ve- 
nerable assembly, which we have seen overthrowing 
Pyrrhus and Hannibal, as much by their virtues as 
by their arms. 

27. They were not only to be distinguished from 
the rest of the people by their superiour luxuries, but 
ruled the commonwealth by the weight of that au- 
thority which is gained from riches, and a number 
of mercenary dependencies. All the venal and the 
base were attached to them from motives of self-in- 
terest ; and they who still ventured to be independent 
were borne down, and entirely lost in the infamous 
majority. 

28. In short the empire at this period came under 
the government of an hateful aristocracy; the tri- 
bunes, who were formerly accounted protectors of 
the people, becoming rich themselves, and having no 
longer opposite interests from those of the senate, 
concurred in their oppressions; since, as has been 
said, it was not now the struggle between patricians 
and plebeians, who only nominally differed, but be- 
tween the rich and the poor. 

29. The lower orders of the state being by these 
means reduced to a degree of hopeless subjection, 
instead of looking after liberty only sought for a lead- 
er ; while the rich, with all the suspicion of tyrants, 
terrified at the slightest appearance of opposition, 
entrusted men with uncontrollable power, from whom 
they had not strength to withdraw it when the dari- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 119 

\ 

ger was over. Thus both parts of the state concur- 
red in giving up their freedom ; the fears of the senate 
first made the dictator, and the hatred of the people 
kept him in his office. Nothing can be more dread- 
ful to a thinking mind than the government of Rome 
from this period, till it found refuge under the pro- 
tection of Augustus. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

From the sedition of Gracchus to the perpetual 
dictatorship of Sylla, which was the first step 
towards the ruin of the commonwealth of Rome. 

1. WHILE the Romans were in this state of 
deplorable corruption at home, they nevertheless 
were very successful in their transactions with 
regard to foreign powers. 

2. Jugurtha was grandson to the famous Massi- 
nissa, who sided against HannibaJ with Rome. He 
was educated with the two young princes, who w r ere 
left to inherit the kingdom, and being superiour n 
abilities to both, and greatly in favour with the peo- 
ple, he murdered Hiempsal, the eldest son, and at- 
tempted the same by Adherbal, the younger, who 
made his escape, and fled to the Romans for succour. 

3. Whereupon Jugurtha, being sensible how much 
avarice and injustice had crept into the senate, sent 
his ambassadors with large presents to Rome, who so 
successfully prevailed, that the senate decreed him 
half the kingdom which he had thus acquired by 
murder and usurpation, and sent ten commissioners 
to divide it between him and Adherbal. 

4. The commissioners, of whom Opimius, the 
murderer of Gracchus, was one, willing to follow 
the example which the senate had set them, were also 
bribed to bestow r the most rich and populous part of 
the kingdom upon the usurper, who for all that, re 
solved to possess himself of the whole. 



120 THE HISTORY OF THE 

5. But willing to give a colour to his ambition, 
he only made in the beginning*, incursions upon his 
colleague's territories, in order to provoke reprisals, 
which he knew how to convert into seeming aggres- 
sion, in case it came before the senate. This failing, 
he resolved to throw off the mask ; and besieging 
Adherbal in Cirta, his capital, he at length got him 
into his power, and murdered him. — The people of 
Rome, who had still some generosity remaining unan- 
imously complained of this treachery, and procured 
a decree, that Jugurtha should be summoned in per- 
son before them, to give an account of all such as haa 
accepted bribes. 

6. Jugurtha made no great difficulty in throwing 
himself upon the clemency of Rome; but giving tl j 
people no satisfaction, he had orders to depart the 
city ; and, in the mean time, Albanus, the consul, 
was sent with an army to follow him, who giving up 
the direction of the army to Aulus, his brother, a per- 
son every way unqualified for the command, the Ro- 
mans were compelled to hazard a battle upon disad- 
vantageous terms; and the whole army, to avoid being 
tut to pieces, was obliged to pass under the yoke. 

7. In this condition, Metellus, the succeeding con- 
sul, found affairs upon his arrival in Numidia ; offi- 
cers without confidence, an army without discipline, 
and an enemy ever watchful and intriguing. How- 
ever, by his great attention to business, and by an 
integrity that shuddered at corruption, he soon began 
to retrieve the affairs of Rome, and the credit of the 
army. In the space of two years Jugurtha was over- 
thrown in several battles, forced out of his own do- 
minions, and constrained to beg a peace. 

8. Thus all things promised Metellus an easy and 
certain victory, but he was frustrated in his expecta- 
tions by the intrigues of Caias Marius, his lieutenant, 
who came in to reap that harvest of glory which the 
other's industry had sown. Caius Marius was born 
in a village near Arpinium, of poor parents, who 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 121 

gained their living by their labour. As he had been 
bred up in a participation of their toils, his manners 
were as rude as his countenance was frightful. He 
was a man of extraordinary stature, incomparable 
strength, and undaunted bravery. 

9. When Metellus, as had been said, was obliged 
to solicit at Rome for a continuance of his command, 
Marius, whose ambition knew no bounds, was resolv- 
ed to obtain it for himself, and thus gain all the glory 
of putting an end to the war. To that end he pri- 
vately inveighed against Metellus by his emissaries 
at Rome; and having excited a spirit of discontent 
against him, he had leave granted him to go to Rome 
to stand for the consulship himself, which he obtained 
contrary to the expectation and interest of the 
nobles. 

10. Marius being thus invested with the supreme 
power of managing the war, showed himself every 
way fit for the commission. His vigilance was equal 
to his valouf, and he quickly made himself master 
of the cities which Jugurtha had yet remaining in 
Numidia. This unfortunate prince finding himself 
unable to make opposition singly, was obliged to 
have recourse for assistance, to Bocchus, king of 
Mauritana, to whose daughter he was married. 

11. A battle soon after ensued, in which the Nu- 
midians surprised the Roman camp, by night, and 
gained a temporary advantage. However, ft was 
but of short continuance ; for Marius soon after over- 
threw them in two signal engagements, in one of 
which not less than ninety thousand of the African 
army were slain. Bocchus new finding the Romans 
too powerful to be resisted, did not think it expedient 
to hazard his own crown to protect that of his ally ; 
he therefore determined to make peace upon whatever 
conditions he might obtain it ; and accordingly sent 
to Rome imploring protection. 

12. The senate received the ambassadors with 
their usual haughtiness ; and, without complying with 

11 



122 THE HISTORY OF THE 

their request, granted the suppliant, not their friend- 
ship bat their pardon. Notwithstanding, after some 
time, he was given to understand, that the delivering 
up of Jugurtha to the Romans would in some mea- 
sure conciliate their favour, and soften their resent- 
ment, At first the pride of Bocchus struggled against 
such a proposal, but a few interviews with Sylla, 
who was quaestor to Marius, reconciled him to this 
treacherous measure. 

13. At length therefore, Jugurtha w T as given up, 
being drawn into an ambuscade by the specious pre- 
tences of his ally, who deluded him by desiring a 
conference ; and being made a prisoner, he was car- 
ried by Marius to Rome, loaded with chains, a de- 
plorable instance of blasted ambition. He did not 
long survive his overthrow, being condemned by the 
senate to be starved to death in prison a short time 
after he had adorned the triumph of the conqueror. 

14. Marius, by this and two succeeding victories 
over the Gauls, having become very formidable to 
distant nations in war, became soon after much more 
dangerous to his fellow citizens in peace. 

15. The strength which he had given the popular 

farty, every day grew more conspicuous ; and the 
talians being frustrated in their aims of gaining the 
freedom of Rome by the intrigues of the senate, they 
resolved upon obtaining by force what was refused 
them as a favour. This gave rise to the Social war, 
in which most of the states of Italy entered into a 
confederacy against Rome, in order to obtain a re- 
dress of this and all the rest of their grievances. 

16. After a lapse of two years this war having 
continued to rage with doubtful success, the senate 
began to reflect that, whether conquered or conquer- 
ors, the power of the Romans was in danger of be- 
ing totally destroyed. In order therefore to soften 
their compliance by degrees, they began by giving 
the freedom of the city to such of the Italian states, 
as had not revolted. 






COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 123 

17. They then offered it to such as would soonest 
lay down their arms. This unexpected bounty had 
the desired effect; the allies, with mutual distrust, 
offered each a separate treaty ; the senate took them 
one by one into favour, but gave the freedom of the 
city in such a manner, that being empowered to vote 
not until all the other tribes had given their suffra- 
ges, they had very little weight in the constitution. 

18. In this manner they were made free, all but 
the Samnites and Lucanians, who seemed excluded 
from the general compromise, as if to leave Sylla, 
who commanded against them, the glory of putting 
an end to the war ; this he performed with great con- 
duct, storming their camps, overthrowing them in 
several battles, and obliging them to submit to such 
terms as the senate were pleased to impose. 

19. This destructive war being concluded, which 
as Paterculus says, consumed above three hundred 
thousand of the flower of Italy, the senate now began 
to think of turning their arms against Mithridates, 
the most powerful monarch of the east. 

20. For this expedition Marius had long been 
preparing; but Sylla, who now began to make a 
figure in the commonwealth, had interest enough to 
get Marius set aside, and himself appointed to the 
expedition. Marius however, tried all his arts with 
the people to get this appointment reversed, and at 
length procured a law to be enacted, that the army 
appointed to oppose Mithridates, was to be transfer- 
red from Sylla to Marius. 

21. In consequence of this, Marius immediately 
sent down officers from Rome to take command in 
his name. But instead of obeying his orders, they 
fell upon and slew the officers, and then entreated 
Sylla that he would lead them directly to take signal 
vengeance upon all his enemies at Rome. 

22. Accordingly his soldiers entered the city sword 
in hand, as a place taken by storm. Marius and 
Sulpicius, at the head of a tumuiluary body of their 



124 THE HISTORY OF THE 

partizans, attempted to oppose their entrance ; and 
the citizens themselves, who feared the sackage of the 
place, threw down stones and tiles, from the tops of 
the houses upon the intruders. So unequal a con- 
flict lasted longer than could have been expected; at 
length Marius and his party were obliged to seek 
safety by flight, after having vainly offered liberty to 
all the slaves who would assist them *in this emer- 
gency. 

23. Sylla now finding himself master of the city, 
began by modelling the laws so as to favour his out- 
rages. While Marius, driven out of Rome, and de- 
clared a public enemy, at the age of seventy was 
obliged to save himself, unattended and on foot, from 
the numerous pursuits of those who sought his life. 
After having wandered for some time in this deplo- 
rable condition, he found every day his dangers in- 
crease, and his pursuers making nearer advances. 

24. In this distress he was obliged to conceal 
himself in the marshes of Minturnum, where he spent 
the night up to his chin in a quagmire. At break 
of day he left this dismal place and made towards 
the sea-side, in hopes of finding a ship to facilitate 
his escape; but being known and discovered by some 
of the inhabitants, he was conducted to a neighbour- 
ing town, with a halter round his neck, without 
clothes, and covered over with mud, was sent to 
prison. 

25. The governor of the place, willing to confirm 
to the orders of the senate, soon after sent a Cum- 
brian slave to despatch him ; but the barbarian no 
sooner entered the dungeon for this purpose but he 
stopt short, intimidated by the dreadful visage and 
awful voice of the fallen general, who sternly demand- 
ed if he had the presumption to kill Cains Marias? 

26. The slave, unable to reply, threw down his 
sword, and rushing back from the prison, cried out 
that he found it impossible to kill him ! The governor 
considering the fear of the slave as an omen in the 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 123 

unhappy exile's favour, gave once more his freedom ; 
and, commending him to his fortune, provided him 
with a ship to convey him from Italy. He from 
thence made the best of his way to the island of 
JEnaria, and sailing onward was forced by a tempest 
on the coast of Sicily. 

27. There a Roman quaestor, who happened to be 
at the same place, resolved to seize him ; by which he 
lost sixteen of his crew, who were killed in their en- 
deavours to cover his retreat to the ship. He after- 
wards landed in Africa, near Carthage, and went in 
a melancholy manner to place himself amongst the 
ruins of that desolated place. He soon, however, 
had orders from the praetor who governed there, to 
retire. 

28. Marius, who remembered his once having 
served this very man when in necessity, could not 
suppress his sorrow at finding ingratitude in every 
quarter of the world, and preparing to obey, desired 
the messenger to tell his master that he had seen Ma- 
rius sitting among the ruins of Carthage, intimating 
the greatness of his own fall by the desolation that 
was round him. 

29. He then embarked once more, and not know- 
ing where to land without encountering an enemy, 
spent the winter at sea, expecting every hour the re- 
turn of a messenger from his son, whom he had sent 
to solicit protection from an African prince, whose 
name was Mandrastal. 

30. After long expectation, instead of the messen- 
ger, his son himself arrived, having escaped from the 
inhospitable court of that monarch, where he had 
been kept, not as a friend, but a prisoner, and had 
returned just time enough to prevent his father from 
sharing the same fate. It was in this situation that 
they were informed that China, one of their party, 
who had remained at Rome, had restored their affairs, 
and headed a large army of the Italian states in his 
cause. 1 1 * 



126 THE HISTORY OF THE 

31. Nor was it long before they joined their for- 
ces, and presented themselves at the gates of Rome. 
Sylla was at that time absent in his command against 
Mithridates, while Cinna marched into the city ac- 
companied by his guards ; but Marius stopped, and 
refused to enter ; alledging, that having been banish- 
ed by a public decree, it was necessary to have 
another to authorize his return. It was thus that he 
desired to give his meditated cruelties the appearance 
of justice; and while he was about to destroy thou- 
sands, to pretend an implicit veneration for the laws* 

32. In pursuance of his desire, an assembly of the 
people being called, they began to reverse his banish- 
ment ; but they had scarce gone through three of the 
tribes, when incapable of containing his desire of re- 
venge, he entered the city at the head of his guards, 
and massacred all that had ever been obnoxious to 
him, without remorse or pity. 

33. Several who sought to propitiate the tyrant's 
rage were murdered by his command in his presence; 
many, even of those who had never offended him, 
were put to death ; and at last even his own officers 
never approached him but with terror. Having in 
this manner punished his enemies, he next abrogated 
all the laws which were made by his rival, and then 
made himself consul with China. 

34. Thus gratified in his two favourite passions, 
vengeance and ambition, having once saved his coun- 
try, and now deluged it with blood ; at last, as if wil- 
ling to crown the pile of slaughter which he had 
made, with his own body, he died the month after, 
aged seventy, not without suspicion of having has- 
tened his end. 

35. In the mean time these accounts were brought 
to Sylla, who was sent against Mithridates, and who 
was performing many signal services against him ; 
but concluding a peace with that monarch he resolv- 
ed to return home to take revenge of his enemies at 
Rome. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 127 

36. In the mean time nothing could intimidate 
China from making preparations to repel his oppo- 
nent. Being joined by Carbo, who was now elect- 
ed in the room of Valerius, who had been slain, to- 
gether with young Marius, who inherited all the 
abilities and the ambition of his father, he determined 
to send over part of the forces he had raised into 
Dalmatia, to oppose Sylla, before he entered Italy. 
Some troops were accordingly embarked; but these 
being dispersed by a storm, the rest, that had not 
yet put to sea, absolutely refused to go. 

37. Upon this, Cinna, quite furious at their diso- 
bedience, rushed forward to persuade them to their 
dutj'. In the mean time, one of the most mutinous 
of the soldiers being struck by an officer, returned 
the blow, and was apprehended for his crime. This 
ill-timed severity produced a tumult and a mutiny 
through the whole army ; and while Cinna did all 
he couid to prevent or appease it, he was run through 
the body by one of the crowd. 

38. Scipio, the consul, who commanded against 
Sylla, was soon after allured by proposals for coming 
to a treaty ; but a suspension of arms being agreed 
upon, Sylla's soldiers went intp the opposite camp, 
displaying those riches which they had acquired in 
their expeditions, and offered to participate with 
their fellow citizens in case they changed their party. 
Accordingly, the whole army declared unanimously 
for Sylla ; and Scipio scarce knew that he was for- 
saken and deposed, till he was informed of it by a 
party of the enemy, who entering his tent, made him 
and his son their prisoners. 

39. In this manner, both factions exasperated to 
the highest degree, and expecting no mercy on either 
part, gave vent to their fury in several engagements. 
The forces on the side of young Marius, who now 
succeeded his father in command, were the most nu- 
merous, but those of Sylla better united and more 
under subordination. 



128 THE HISTORY OF THE 

40. Carbo, who commanded an army for Marius 
in the field, sent eight legions to Praeneste, to relieve 
his colleague, but they were met by Pompey, after- 
wards surnamed the Great, in a defile, who slew 
many of them, and dispersed the rest. — Carbo, 
joined by Urbanus, soon after engaged Metellus, but 
was overcome with the loss often thousand men slain, 
and six thousand taken prisoners. 

41. In consequence of this defeat, Urbanus killed 
himself, and Carbo fled to Africa, where after wan- 
dering a long time, he was at last delivered up to 
Pompey, who, to please Sylla, ordered him to be 
beheaded. Sylla now become undisputed master of 
his country, entered Rome at the head of his army. 
Happy had he supported in peace, the glory which 
he had acquired in war ; or had he ceased to live, 
when he ceased to conquer. 

42. Eight thousand men who had escaped the ge- 
neral carnage offered themselves to the conqueror ; 
he ordered them to be put into the Villa Publica, a 
large house in the Campus Martius, and at the same 
time convoked the senate; there he spoke with great 
fluency, and in a manner no way discomposed, of 
his own exploits ; and in the mean time gave private 
directions, that all those wretches whom he had con 
fined should be slain. 

43. The senate amazed at the horrid outcries of 
the sufferers, at first thought that the city was given 
up to plunder; but Sylla with an unembarrassed air, 
informed them that it was only some criminals who 
were punished by his order, and that they needed 
not to make themselves uneasy about their fate. 
The day after, he proscribed forty senators and six- 
teen hundred knights ; and after an intermission of 
two days, forty senators more, with an infinite num- 
ber of the richest citizens of Rome. 

44. He next resolved to invest himself with the 
dictatorship, and that £o~; a perpetuity: and thus uni- 
ting all civil as well as military power in his own 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 129 

person, lie was conscious he might thence give an air 
of justice to every oppression. 

45. In this manner he continued to govern with 
capricious tyranny, none daring to resist his power, 
until, contrary to the expectations of all mankind, he 
laid down the dictatorship, having held it not quite 
three years. 

46. After this he retired into the country, in order 
to enjoy the pleasures of tranquillity and social hap- 
piness ; but he did not long survive his abdication ; 
he died of that disease which is called the morbus 
pedicularis, a loathsome and mortifying object, and 
capable of showing the futility of human ambition. 



CHAPTER. XIX. 

From the perpetual Dictatorship of Sylla, to the 
Triumvirate of Ccesar, Pompey, and Crassus. 

[U. C. 680.] 

1. UPON the death of Sylla, the jealoJfcs of 
Pompey and Crassus, the two most powerful men in 
the empire, began to excite fresh dissentions. Pom:- 
pey was the most beloved general, and Crassus was 
the richest man in Rome. 

2. The first opportunity that was afforded of dis- 
covering their mutual jealousy was upon disbanding 
t- eir troops with which they had conquered. Neither 
chose to begin; so that the most fcital consequences 
threatened from their dissention ; but at length, Cras- 
sus, stifling his resentment, laid down his command; 
and the other followed his example immediately after. 
The next trial between them was, who should be 
foremost in obtaining the favour of the people. 

3. Crassus entertained the populace at a thousand 
different tables, distributed corn to the families of the 
poor, and fed the greatest part cf the citizens for near 

F 2 



130 THE HISTORY OF THE 

three months. Pompey, on the other hand, laboured 
to abrogate the laws made against the people's au- 
thority by Sylla : he restored the power of judging 
to the knights, which had been formerly granted 
them by Gracchus, and gave back to the tribunes of 
the people all their former privileges. It was thus 
that each gave his private aims a public appearance ; 
so that what was in reality ambition in both, took 
with one the name of liberality, with the other that 
of freedom. 

4. An expedition, in which Pompey cleared the 
Mediterranean, which was infested by pirates, having 
added greatly to his reputation, the tribunes of the 
people hoped it would be easy to advance their fa- 
vourite still higher ; wherefore Manlius, one of the 
number, preferred a law, that all the armies of the 
empire, with the government of all Asia, together with 
the management of the war, which was renewed against 
Mithridates, should be committed to him alone. The 
law passed with little opposition, and the decree was 
confirmed by all the tribes of the people. 

■S.^Being thus appointed in the command of that 
impo^lnt war, he immediately departed for Asia, 
having made the proper preparations towards forward- 
ing the campaign. Mithridates had been obliged by 
Lucullus to take refuge in Lesser Armenia, and thith- 
er that general was preparing to follow him, when 
his whole army abandoned him, so that it remained for 
Pompey to terminate the war, which he effected with 
great ease and expedition, adding a large extent of 
dominion to the Roman empire, and returning to 
Rome in triumph at the head of his conquering 
army. 

6. But all the victories of Pompey rather served 
to heighten the glory than to increase the power of 
Rome ; they only made it a more glaring object of 
ambition, and exposed its liberties to greater danger. 
Those liberties indeed seem devoted to ruin on every 
side j for, even while he was pursuing his conquests 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 131 

abroad, Rome was at the verge of ruin from a con- 
spiracy at home. 

7. This conspiracy was projected and carried on 
by Sergius Catiline, a patrician by birth, who resolv- 
ed to build his own power on the downfall of his 
country. He was singularly formed, both bj' art and 
nature, to conduct a conspiracy : he was possessed of 
courage equal to the most desperate attempts, and 
eloquence to give a colour to his ambition ; ruined in 
his fortune, profligate in his manners, and vigilant in 
pursuing his aims, he was insatiable after wealth, only 
with a view to lavish it on his guilty pleasure. 

8. Catiline, having contracted many debts by the 
looseness of such an ill spent life, was resolved to ex- 
tricate himself from them by any means howevel 
unlawful. 

9. Accordingly he assembled about thirty of his 
debauched associates, and informed them of his aims, 
his hopes, and his settled plan of operations. It was 
resolved among them that a general insurrection 
should be raised throughout Italy, the differentparts 
of which were assigned to the different leaders. Rome 
was to be fired in several places at once, an^Cati- 
line, at the head of an army raised in Etruria, was, 
in the general confusion, to possess himself of the city 
and massacre all the senators. 

10. Lentulus, one of his profligate assistants, who 
had been praetor, or juJge in the city, was to preside 
in their general councils : Cethegus, a man who sa- 
crificed the possession of great present power to the 
hopes of gratifying his revenge against Cicero, was 
to direct the massacre through the city : and Caesius 
was to conduct those who fired it. 

11. But the vigilance of Cicero being a chief ob- 
stacle to their designs, Catiline was very desirous to 
see him taken off before he left Rome ; upon which 
two knights of the company undertook to kill him the 
next morning in his bed, in an early visit on pretence 
of business. 



32 THE HISTORY OF THE 

12. But the meeting was no sooner over than Ci- 
cero had information of all that passed in it; for by 
the intrigues of a woman, named Fulvia, he had gain- 
ed over Curias, her lover, and ene of the conspira- 
tors, to send him a punctual account of all their de- 
liberations. 

1 3. Having taken proper precaution to guard him- 
self against the designs of his morning visitors, who 
wei'2 punctual to the appointment, he next took care 
to provide for the defence of the city ; and assembling 
the senate, consulted what was best to be done in this 
time of danger. The first step taken was to offer 
considerable reward for further discoveries, and then 
to prepare for the defence of the state. 

14. Catiline, to show how well he could dissemble, 
or justify any crime, went boldly to the senate, de- 
claring his innocence ; but when confronted by the 
eloquence of Cicero, he hastily withdrew; declaring 
aloud, that since he was denied a vindication of him- 
self, and driven headlong by his enemies, he would 
extinguish the flames which were raised about him in 
universal ruin. Accordingly, after a short confer- 
ence £kh Lentulus and Cethegus, he left Rome by 
night, with a small retinue, to make the best of his 
way towards Etruria, where Manilius, one of the 
conspirators, was raising an army to support bim. 

15. In the mean time, Cicero took proper precau- 
tions to secure all those of the conspiracy who re- 
mained in Rome. — Lentulus, Cethegus, Ciesius, and 
several others, were put in confinement ; and soon 
after, by the command of the senate, being delivered 
over to the executioner, were strangled in prison. 

16. While his associates were put to death in the 
city, Catiline had raised an army of twelve thousand 
men ; of which a fourth part only was completely 
armed ; the rest being furnished with what chance af- 
forded, darts, lances, and clubs. — He refused at first 
to enlist slaves, who had flocked to him in great num- 
bers, trusting to the proper strength of the conspiracy; 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 133 

but upon the approach of the consul, who was sent 
against him, and upon the arrival of the news that his 
confederates were put to death in Rome, the face of his 
affairs were entirely altered. 

17. His first attempt, therefore, was by long 
marches to make his escape over the Appenines into 
Gaul ; but in this his hopes were disappointed, all 
the passes being strictly guarded by an army under Me- 
tellus, superiour to his own. Being thus hemmed in on 
every side, and seeing all things desperate, with no- 
thing left him but either to die or conquer, he resolved 
to make one vigorous effort against that army which 
pursued him. 

] 8. Antonius, the consul, being himself sick, the 
command devolved upon his lieutenant Petreius, who, 
after a fierce and bloody action, in which he lost a 
considerable part of his best troops, put Catiline's 
forces to the rout, and destroyed his whole army, 
which fought desperately to the last man. 

19. The extinction of this conspiracy seemed only 
to leave an open theatre for the ambition of the great 
men of the state to display itself in. Pompey was 
now returned in triumph from conquering tj^ east, 
as he had before been victorious in Europe and 
Africa. 

20. Crassus, as we have already observed, was the 
richest man in Rome ; and next to him, possessed of 
the greatest authority : his party in the senate was 
even stronger than that of Pompey his rival, and the 
envy raised against him was less. He and Pompey had 
long been disunited by an opposition of interests and 
of characters : however, it was from a continuance of 
their mutual jealousies that the state was in some 
measure to expect its future safety. 

21. It was in this situation of things that Julius 
Caesar, who had lately gone praetor into Spain, and 
had returned with great riches and glory, resolved 10 
convert their mutual jealousy to his own advantage. 
This celebrated man was nephew to Marius by the 

12 



134 THE HISTORY OF THE 

female line, and descended from one of the most il* 
lustrious families in Rome : he had already mounted 
by the regular gradations of office, having been 
quaestor, aedile, grand pontiff, and praetor in Spain. 

22. Being descended from popular ancestors, he 
warmly espoused the side of the people ; and shortly 
after the death of Sylla procured those whom he had 
banished to be recalled. He had all along declared 
for the populace against the senate, and by this be- 
came their most favourite magistrate. This consum- 
mate statesman began first by offering his services to 
Pompey, promising him his aid in having all his acts 
passed notwithstanding the senate's opposition. 

23. Pompey, pleased at the acquisition of a person 
of so much merit, readily granted him his confidence 
and protection. He next applied to Crassus, who 
from former connexions was disposed to become still 
more nearly his friend : at length, finding neither of 
them averse to an union of interests, he took an op- 
portunity of bringing them together ; and remonstra- 
ting to them on the advantage as well as the neces- 
sity of a reconciliation, he had art enough to persuade 
them tp forget former animosities. 

24. A combination was thus formed, by which the 
three agreed that nothing should be done in the com- 
monwealth but what received their mutual concur- 
rence and approbation. This was called the first 
Triumvirate, by which we find the constitution weak- 
ened by new interest that had not hitherto taken 
place in the government, very different from thateither 
of the senate or the people, and yet dependent on both. 

CHAPTER XX. 

From the beginning of the first Triumvirate, to the 
death of Pompey. 

1. THE first thing Caesar did, upon being taken 
into the triumvirate, was to avail himself of the inter- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 135 

est of his confederates to obtain the consulship. The 
senate had still some influence left ; and, though they 
were obliged to concur in choosing, yet they gave him 
for a colleague one Bibulus, who they supposed 
would be a check upon his power : but the opposi- 
tion was too strong for even superiour abilities to re- 
sist it ; so that Bibulus, after a slight attempt in fa- 
vour of the senate, remained inactive. 

2. Caesar began his schemes for empire, by ingra- 
tiating himself with the people : he procured a law 
for dividing certain lands in Campania among such 
of the poor citizens as had at least three children. 
This proposal was just enough in itself, and only cri- 
minal from the views of the proposer. 

3. Having thus strengthened himself at home, he 
next deliberated with his confederates about sharing 
the foreign provinces of the empire between them. 
The partition was soon made : Pompey chose Spain 
for his own part ; for being fatigued with conquest, 
and satiated with military fame, he was willing to 
take his pleasures at Rome. 

4. Crassus chose Syria for his part of the empire ; 
which province, as it had hitherto enriched the gene- 
rals who had subdued it, would, he hoped, gratify him in 
this most favourite pursuit. To Caesar was left the 
province of Gaul ; composed of many fierce and pow- 
erful nations, most of them unsubdued, and the rest 
only professing a nominal subjection. Wherefore, 
as it was rather appointing him to conquer than com- 
mand, this government was granted him for five 
years, as if, by its continuance, to compensate for its 
danger. 

5. It would be impossible, in this narrow compass, 
to enumerate all the battles Caesar fought, and the 
states he subdued, in his expeditions into oaul and 
Britain, which continued eight years. The Helve- 
tians were the first that were brought into subjection, 
with the loss of near two hundred thousand men ; 
those who remained after the carnage were sent by 



136 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Csesar in safety to the forests from whence they had 
issued. The Germans, with Ariovistus at their head, 
were next cut off, to the number of eighty thousand ; 
their monarch himself narrowly escaping in a little 
boat across the Rhine. 

6. The Belgae were cut off with such great slaugh- 
ter, that marshes and deep rivers were rendered pass- 
able from the heaps of slain. The Nervians, who 
were the most warlike of those barbarous nations, 
made head for a short time, and fell upon the Ro- 
mans with such fury, that their army was in danger 
of being utterly routed ; but Caesar himself, hastily 
catching up a buckler, rushed through his army into 
the midst of the enemy, by which means lie so turned 
the fate of the day, that the barbarians were all cut off 
to a man. 

7. The Celtic Gauls, who were powerful at sea, 
were next brought under subjection. After them the 
Snevi, the Menupii, and all the nations from the Me- 
diterranean to the British sea. From thence, stimu- 
lated by the desire of conquest, he crossed over into 
Britain, upon pretence that the natives, had furnish- 
ed his er lies with continual supplies. Upon ap- 
proaching the shores he found them covered with men 
to oppose his landing, and his forces were in danger 
of being driven back, till the standard bearer of the 
tenth legion boldly leaped ashore, and being well as- 
sisted by Caesar, the natives were put to flight. 

8. The Britons, being terrified at Caesar's power, 
sent to desire a peace, which was granted them, and 
some hostages delivered. A storm, however, soon 
after destroying great part of his fleet they resolved 
to take advantage of the disaster, and marched against 
him with a powerful army. But what could a naked 
undisciplined army do against forces that had been 
exercised under the greatest generals, and hardened 
by the conquests of the greatest part of the world ? 
Beitig overthrown they were obliged once more to 
sue for peace : which Caesar granted them and then 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 137 

returned to the continent. Thus in less than nine 
years he conquered, together with Britain, all that 
country which extends from the Mediterranean to the 
German sea. 

9. While Caesar was thus increasing his reputation 
and riches abroad, Pompey, who remained all the 
time in Rome, steadily co-operated with his ambition, 
and advanced his interests, while he vainly supposed 
he was forwarding his own. By his means Caesar 
was continued five years longer in Gaul : nor was he 
roused from his lethargy, till the fame of that great 
commander's valour, riches, and humanity, began se- 
cretly to give him pain, and to make him suppose 
they began to eclipse his own ; for, as being more 
recent, they were more talked of. 

10. He now therefore began to do all in his power 
to diminish Caesar's reputation, obliging the magis- 
trates not to publish any letters they received from 
him till he had diminished the credit of them, by 
spreading disadvantageous reports : one or two ac- 
cidents also helped to widen the separation : namely 
the death of Julia, Pompey's wife, who had not only 
a little contributed to improve the harmony that sub- 
sisted between them ; and the destruction of Crassus, 
who had conducted the war against the Parthians 
with so little prudence, that he suffered the enemy to 
get the advantage of him in almost every skirmish ; 
and incapable of extricating himself from the diffi- 
culties in which he was involved, he fell a sacrifice 
to his own rashness, being killed, bravely defending 
himself to the last. 

11. Caesar, who now began to be sensible of the 
jealousies of Pompey, took occasion to solicit for 
the consulship, together with a prolongation of his 
government in Gaul, desirous of trying whether Pom- 
pey would thwart or promote his pretensions. In 
this Pompey seemed to be quite inactive ; but at the 
same time privately employed two of his creatures, 
who alledged in the senate that the law did not per- 

12* 



138 THE HISTORY OF THE 

mit a person that was absent to offer himself as a can- 
didate for that high office. 

12. Pompey 's view in this was to allure Caesar 
from his government, in order to stand for the consul- 
ship in person. Caesar, however, perceiving his ar- 
tifice, chose to remain in his province, convinced, that 
while he headed sucli an army as was now devoted to 
his interest, he could at any time give laws as well 
as magistrates to the state. 

13. The senate, which were now devoted to Pom- 
pey, because he had for some time attempted to de- 
fend them from the encroachments of the people, or- 
dered the two legions which were in Caesar's army, 
belonging to Pompey, home, as it was pretended, to 
oppose the Parthians, but, in reality to diminish 
Caesar's power. 

14. Caesar easily saw 7 their motives ; but as his 
plans were not yet ready for execution, he sent them 
home in pursuance of the orders of the senate, having 
previously attached the officers to him with benefits, 
and the soldiers with a bounty. The next step the 
senate took was to recal Caesar from his government, 
as his time was now very near expiring. But Curio, 
his friend in the senate, proposed that Caesar should 
notleave his army till Pompey had set him the example* 

15. This for awhile perplexed Pompey ; however, 
during the debate, one of the senate declaring that 
Caesar w T as past the Alps, and marching with his 
whole army directly towards Rome, the consul, im- 
mediately quitting the senate, went with his colleague 
forth from the city to an house where Pompey at that 
time resided. He there presented him with a sword, 
commanding him to march against Caesar, and fight 
in defence of the commonwealth. Pompey declared 
he was ready to obey : but, with an air of pretended 
moderation, added, that it was only in case more 
gentle expedients could not be employed. 

16. Caesar who was instructed in all that passed by 
his partizans at Rome, though he was still in Gaul, 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 139 

was willing to give his aims all the appearance of jus- 
tice. He agreed to lay down his employment when 
Pompey should do the same. — But the senate reject- 
ed all his propositions, blindly confident of their own 
power, and relying on the assurances of Pompey. 
Ceesar still unwilling to come to an open rupture with 
the state, at last was content to ask the government 
of Illyria with two legions ; but this also was refused 
him. 

17. Now, therefore, finding all hopes of an accom- 
modation fruitless, and conscious, if not of the good- 
ness of his cause, at least of the goodness of his troops, 
he began to draw them down towards the confines of 
Italy ; and, passing the Alps with his third legion, 
stopped at Ravenna, a city of Cisalpine Gaul, from 
whence he once more wrote a letter to the consuls, 
declaring that he was ready to resign all command 
in case Pompey did so too. On the other hand, the 
senate decreed that Caesar should lay down his go- 
vernment, and disband his force, within a limited 
time ; and if he refused obedience, that he should be 
declared an enemy to the commonwealth. 

18. Caesar, however, seemed no way disturbed at 
these violent proceedings: the night before his intend- 
ed expedition into Italy, he sat down to table, cheer- 
fully conversing with his friends on the subjects of li- 
terature and philosophy, and apparently disengaged 
from every ambitious concern. After some time, rising 
up, he desired the company to make themselves cheerful 
in his absence, and that he would be with them in a 
moment : in the mean time, having ordered his cha- 
riot to be prepared, he immediately set out, attended 
by a few friends, for Arminium, a city upon the con- 
fines of Italy, whither he had despatched a part of his 
army the morning before. 

19. This journey by night, which was very fati- 
guing, he performed with great diligence, sometimet 
walking and sometimes on horseback, till, at \\s 
break of day, he came up with his army, which m vr* 



140 THE HISTORY OF THE 

sisted of about five thousand men, near the Rubicon, 
a little river which separates Italy from Gaul, and 
which terminated the limits of his command. The 
Romans had ever been taught to consider this river 
as the sacred boundary of their domestic empire : 
Caesar, therefore, when he advanced at the head oi 
his army to the side of the river, stopt short upon the 
bank, as if impressed with terror at the greatness of 
his enterprise. 

20. He pondered for some time in fixed melancholy, 
looking upon the river, and debating with himself 
whether he should venture in : " If I pass this river" 
says he to one of the generals who stood by him, 
" what miseries shall I bring upon my country ! and, 
if now I stop short, I am undone." Thus saying, 
and resuming all his former alacrity, he plunged in, 
crying out, that the die was cast and all was now 
over. His soldiers followed him with equal promp- 
titude, and quickly arriving at Arminium, made 
themselves masters of the place without any re- 
sistance. 

21. This unexpected enterprise excited the utmost 
terrors in Rome, every one imagining that Caesar 
was leading his army to lay the city in ruins. At 
one time were to be seen the citizens flying into the 
country for safety, and the inhabitants of the country 
coming up to seek for shelter in Rome. In this uni- 
versal confusion, Pompey felt all that repentance and 
self-condemnation which must necessarily arise from 
the remembrance of having advanced his rival to his 
present pitch of power ; wherever he appeared, many 
of his former friends were ready to tax him with 
his supineness, and sarcastically to reproach his ill 
grounded presumption. 

22. " Where is now," cried Favonius, a ridiculous 
senator of his party, " the army that is to rise at 
your command? Let us see if it will appear by 
stamping." Cato reminded him of many warnings 
he had given him ; which, however, as he was contin 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 141 

ually boding nothing but calamities, Pompey might 
very justly be excused from attending to. 

23. But being at length wearied with these re- 
proaches, which were offered under colour of advice, 
he did all that lay in his power to encourage and 
confirm his followers : he told them that they should 
not want an army ; for that he would be their leader; 
he confest, indeed, that he had all along mistaken 
Caesar's aims, judging of them only from what they 
ought to be; however, if his friends were still inspired 
with the love of freedom, they might yet enjoy it in 
whatever place their necessities should happen to con- 
duct them. 

24. He let them know that their affairs were in a 
very promising situation; that his two lieutenants 
were at the head of a very considerable army in 
Spain, composed of veteran troops that had made the 
conquests of the East; besides these, there were infi- 
nite resources both in Asia and Africa, together with 
the succours they were sure to expect from all the 
kingdoms that were in alliance with Rome. This 
speech served in some measure to revive the hopes of 
the confederacy. 

25. The greatest part of the senate, his own pri- 
vate friends and dependents, together with all those 
who expected to make their fortunes in his cause, 
agreed to follow him. Being in no capacity to re- 
sist Caesar at Rome, he resolved to lead his forces to 
Capua, where he commanded die two legions that 
served under Caesar in Gaul. 

26. Ciesar, in the mean time, after having vainly 
attempted to bring Pompey to an accommodation, 
resolved to pursue him into Capua before he could 
collect his forces. Accordingly, he marched on to 
take possession of the cities that lay between him 
and his rival, not regarding Rome, which he knew 
would fall of course to the conqueror. 

27. Corsinium was the first city that attempted to 
stop the rapidity of his march. It was defended by 



142 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Domitius, who had been appointed by the senate to 
succeed him in Gaul, and was garrisoned by twenty 
cohorts which were levied in the countries adjacent ; 
Csesar, however, quickly invested it; and, though 
Domitius sent frequently to Pompey, exhorting him 
to come and raise the siege, he was at last obliged to 
endeavour to escape privately. 

28. His intentions happened to be divulged, the 
garrison were resolved to consult their own safety 
by delivering him up to the besiegers. Caesar rea- 
dily accepted their offers, but kept his men from im- 
mediately entering into the town. After some time, 
Lentulus the consul, who was one of the besieged, 
came out to implore forgiveness for himself and the 
rest of his confederates, putting Caesar in mind of 
their ancient friendship, and acknowledging the many 
favours he had received at his hands. 

29. To this Caesar, who would not wait the con 
elusion of his speech, generously replied, that he came 
into Italy not to injure the liberties of Rome and its 
citizens, but to restore them. This humane reply 
being quickly carried into the city, the senators, and 
the knights, with their children and some officers of 
the garrison, came out to claim the conqueror's pro- 
tection, who, just glancing at their ingratitude, gave 
them their liberty, with permission to go wheresoever 
they should think proper. 

30. But while he dismissed the leaders, he, upon 
this, as upon all other occasions, took care to attach 
the common soldiers to his own interest, sensible 
that he might stand in need of an army ; but that 
while he lived, his army could never stand in need of 
a commander. 

31. Pompey, who was unable to continue in 
Rome, having intelligence of what passed on this 
occasion, immediately retreated to Brundusium, 
where he resolved to stand a siege, to retard the en- 
emy until the forces of the empire should be united 
to oppose him. His aim in this succeeded to his 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 143 

wish ; and after having employed Caesar for some 
time in a fruitless siege, he privately passed his for- 
ces over to Dyracchium, where the consul had levied 
a body of forces for his assistance. However, though 
he made good his escape, he was compelled to leave 
the whole kingdom of Italy at the mercy of his rival, 
without either a town or an army that had strength 
to oppose his progress. 

32. Caesar finding he could not follow Pompey 
for want of shipping, w 7 ent back to Rome to take 
possession of the public treasures, which his oppo- 
nent, by a most unaccountable oversight, had neglect- 
ed taking with him. However, upon his coming up 
to the door of the treasury, Metellus, the tribune, 
who guarded it, refused to let him pass; but Caesar, 
w 7 ith more than usual emotion, laying his hand upon 
his sword, threatened to strike him dead : " And, 
know y^ung man, (cried he) that it is easier to do 
this than to say it." This menace had its effect ; 
Metellus retired, and Caesar took out of the treasury, 
to the amount of three thousand pounds weight of 
gold, besides an immense quantity of silver. 

33. Having thus provided for continuing the war, 
he departed from Rome, resolved to subdue Pom- 
pey's lieutenants, Afranius and Peireius, who had 
been long in Spain at the head of a veteran army, 
composed of the choicest legions of the empire, who 
had been ever victorious under all its commanders. 
Caesar, however, who knew the abilities of its two 
present generals, jocosely said, as he was preparing 
to go thither, that he went to fight an army without 
a general; and upon conquering it, would return to 
fight a general without an army. 

34. The first conflict which he had with Afranius 
and Petreius was rather unfavourable. It was fought 
near the city of Herda, and both sides claimed the 
honour of the victory. — But by various stratagems 
he reduced them at last to such extremity of hunger 
and drought that they were obliged to yield at dis- 



144 THE HISTORY OF THE 

cretion. Clemency was his favourite virtue; he 
dismissed them all with the kindest professions; and 
sent them home to Rome, laden with shame and 
obligations to publish his virtues, and confirm the 
affections of his adherents. 

35. Thus in the space of about forty days, he be- 
came master of all Spain, and returned again victo- 
rious to Rome. The citizens upon this occasion 
received him with fresh demonstrations of joy, and 
created him dictator and consul ; but the first of 
these offices he laid down after he had held it eleven 
days. 

36. While Ca?sar was thus employed, Pompey 
was equally active in making preparations in Epirus 
and Greece to oppose him. AH the monarchs of the 
East had declared in his favour, and sent very large 
supplies. He was master of nine effective Italian 
legions, and had a fleet of five hundred large ships 
under the conduct of Bibulus, an active and experi- 
enced commander. Added to these, he was supplied 
with large sums of money, and all the necessaries 
for an army, from the tributary provinces round 
him. 

37. He had attacked Anthony and Dolabella, who 
commanded for Cresar in that part of the empire, 
with such success, that the former was obliged to fly, 
and the latter was taken prisoner. Crowds of the 
distinguished citizens and nobles from Rome came 
every day to join him. He had at one time above 
two hundred senators in his camp, among whom 
were Cicero and Cato, whose approbation of his 
cause w r as equivalent to an army. 

38. Notwithstanding these preparations, Caesar 
shipped off five of his twelve legions at Brundusium, 
and weighing anchor, fortunately steered through 
the midst of his enemies, timing it so well that he 
made his passage in one day. Still however, con- 
vinced that the proper time for making proposals 
for a peace was after gaining an advantage, he sent 






COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 145 

one Rufus, whom he had taken prisoner, to effect an 
accommodation with Pompey, offering to refer all to 
the senate and people of Rome ; but Pompey once 
more rejected the overture, holding the people of 
Rome too much in Caesar's interest to be relied on. 

39. Pompey had been raising supplies in Mace- 
donia, when first informed of Caesar's landing upon 
the coasts of Epirus ; he now therefore resolved im- 
mediately to march to Dyracchium, in order to cover 
that place from Caesar's attempts, as all his ammu- 
nition and provisions were deposited there. 

40. The first place that both armies came in sight 
of each other was on the opposite banks of the river 
Apsus ; and as both were commanded by the two 
greatest generals then in the world, the one renown 
ed for his conquest of the East, the other celebrated 
for his victories over the western parts of the empire, 
a battle was eagerly desired by the soldiers on either 
side : but neither general was willing to hazard it 
upon this occasion; Pompey could not rely upon 
his new levies, and Caesar would not venture an en- 
gagement till he was joined by the rest of his forces 

41. Caesar had now waited some time with ex- 
treme impatience for the coming up of the remainder 
of his army, and even ventured out alone in an open 
fisher boat to hasten its arrival, but he was driven 
back by a storm. However, his disappointment 
was soon relieved, by an information of the landing 
of the troops he had long expected at Appolloniaj 
from whence they were approaching under the con- 
duct of Anthony and Calenus, to join him; he there- 
fore decamped in order to meet them, and prevent 
Pompey with his army from engaging them on their 
march, as he lay on that side of the river, where the 
succours had been obliged to come on shore. 

42. Pompey being compelled to retreat, led his 
forces to Asparagus, nigh Dyracchium, where he 
was sure of being supplied with every thing necessary 
for his army by the numerous fleets which he env- 

13 G 



146 THE HISTORY OF THE 

ployed along the coasts of Epirus : there he pitched 
his camp upon a tongue of land (as mariners express- 
ed it) that jutted into the sea, where also was a small 
shelter for ships, where few winds could annoy them : 
in this place, being most advantageously situated, 
he immediately began to intrench his camp : which 
Caesar perceiving, and finding that he was not likely 
soon to quit so advantageous a post, began to intrench 
also behind him. 

43. And as all beyond Pompey's camp, towards 
the land side, was hilly and steep, he built redoubts 
upon the hills stretching round from shore to shore, 
and then caused lines of communication to be drawn 
from hill to hill, by which he blocked up the camp 
of the enemy. He hoped by this blockade to force 
his opponent to a battle, which he ardently desired, 
and which the other with equal industry declined. 
Thus both sides continued for some time employed 
in designs and stratagems, the one to annoy and the 
other to defend. 

44. Caesar's men daily carried on their works to 
straiten the enemy \ those of Pompey did the same 
to enlarge themselves, having the advantage of num- 
bers, and severely galled the enemy by their slingers 
and archers* Caesar, however, was indefatigable ; 
he caused blinds or mantles to be made of skins of 
beasts, to cover his men while at work ; he cut off 
all the water that supplied the enemy's camp, and 
forage from the horses, so that there remained no 
more subsistence for them. 

45. But Pompey at last resolved to break through 
bis lines, and gain some other part of the country 
more convenient for encampment. Accordingly, 
having informed himself of the condition of Caesar's 
fortifications from some deserters who came over to 
him, he ordered his light infantry and archers on 
board his ships, with directions to attack Caesar's 
intrenchments by sea, where they were least de- 
fended. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 147 

46. This was done with such effect, that though 
Caesar and his officers used their utmost endeavours 
to hinder Pompey's designs, yet by means of reite- 
rated attempts, he at last effected his purpose of ex- 
tricating his army from his former camp, and of 
encamping in another place by the sea, where he 
had the conveniency of forage and shipping also. 
Caesar being thus frustrated in his views of blocking 
up the enemy, and perceiving the loss he had sus- 
tained, resolved at last to force Pompey to a battle f 
though upon disadvantageous terms. 

47. The engagement began by attempting to cut 
off a legion which was posted in a wood, and this 
brought on a general battle. The conflict was for 
some time carried on with great ardour, and with 
equal fortune ; but Caesar's army being entangled 
in the intrenchments of the old camps lately aban- 
doned, began to fall into disorder; upon whicli Pom- 
pey pressing his advantage, they at last fled with 
great precipitation. Great numbers perished in the 
trenches and on the banks of the river, or were 
pressed to death by their fellows. Pompey pursued 
his successes to the very camp of Caesar ; but either 
surprised with the suddenness of his victory, or fear- 
ful of an ambuscade, he withdrew his troops into his 
ow r n camp, and thus lost an opportunity of securing 
his victory. 

48. After this defeat, which was by no means de- 
cisive, Caesar marched with all his forces united into 
one body, directly to Gomphi, a town in the province 
of Thessaly. But the news of his defeat at Dyrao 
chium had reached this place before him ; the inha- 
bitants therefore who had before promised him obe- 
dience, now r changed their minds ; and, with a degree 
of baseness equal to their imprudence, shut their 
gates against him. 

49. Caesar was not to be injured with impunity ; 
wherefore, having represented to his soldiers the 
great advantage of forcing a place so very rich, he 



148 THE HISTORY OF THE 

ordered the machines for scaling to be got ready ; 
and causing an assault to be made, proceeded with 
such vigour, that, notwithstanding the great height 
of the walls, the town was taken in a few hours time. 
Caesar left it to be plundered ; and without delaying 
his march, went forward to Metropolis, another town 
of the same province, which yielded at his approach. 

50. By this means he soon became possessed of 
all Thessaly, except Larissa, which was garrisoned 
by Scipio with his legion, who commanded for Pom- 
pey. During this interval, Pompey's officers con- 
tinually soliciting their commander to come to a 
battle, and incessantly teasing him with importuni- 
ties to engage, he at length resolved to renounce his 
own judgment, in compliance with those about him, 
and to give up all schemes of prudence for those 
dictated by avarice and passion. 

51. Wherefore, advancing into Thessaly withm a 
few days after the taking of Gomphi, he drew down 
upon the plains of Pharsalia, where he was joined by 
Scipio, his lieutenant, with the troops under his com- 
mand. There he waited the coming up of Caesar, 
resolved upon engaging, and upon deciding the fate 
of the kingdom at a single battle. 

52. Caesar had employed all his art for some time 
in sounding the inclinations of his men ; and finding 
his army once more resolute and vigorous, he caused 
them to advance towards the plains of Pharsalia, 
where Pompey was now encamped, and prepared to 
oppose him. 

53. The approach of these two great armies, com- 
posed of the best and bravest troops in the w jrld, 
together with the greatness of the prize for which 
they contended, filled all minds with anxiety, though 
with different expectations. Pompey's army being 
most numerous, turned all their thoughts to the en- 
joyment of the victory; Caesar's, with better aims, 
considered only the means of obtaining it: Pompey's 
army depended upon their numbers and their many 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 149 

generals ; Caesar's tipon their own discipline, and 
the conduct of their single commander : Pompey's 
partizans hoped much from the justice of their cause; 
Caesar's alledged the frequent proposals which they 
had made for peace without effect. 

54. Thus the views, hopes, and motives of both 
seemed different, but their hatred and ambition were 
the same. Caesar, who was ever foremost in offer- 
ing battle, led out his army in array to meet the ene- 
my ; but Pompey, either suspecting his troops, or 
dreading the event, kept his advantageous situation 
for some time : he drew indeed sometimes out of his 
camp, but always kept himself under his trenches, at 
the foot of the hill near which he was posted. 

55. Caesar, being unwilling to attack him at a dis- 
advantage, resolved to decamp the next day hoping 
to harass out his antagonist, who was not a match for 
him in sustaining the fatigues of duty. Accordingly, 
ihe order for marching w r as given, and the tents struck, 
when word was brought him that Pompey's army 
had quitted their intrenchinents, and had advanced 
farther into the plain than usual, so that he might 
engage them at less disadvantage : whereupon he 
caused his troops that were upon their march to halt, 
and with a countenance of joy informed them that 
the happy time was at last come, which they had so 
long wished for, and which was to crown their glory 
and terminate their fatigues. 

56. Upon this he drew up his troops in order, and 
advanced towards the place of battle. His forces did 
not amount to above half those of Pompey ; the army 
of the one amounting to above forty-five thousand 
foot and seven thousand horse ; that of the other not 
exceeding twenty-two thousand foot and about a 
thousand horse. 

57. This disproportion, particularly in the cavalry, 
had filled Caesar with apprehensions, wherefore he 
had some days before picked out the strongest and 
nimblest of his foot soldiers, and accustomed them to 

13* 



15.0 THE HISTORY OF THE 

fight between the ranks on his cavalry. By their as- 
sistance his thousand horse was a match for Pom- 
pvy's seven thousand, and had actually got the bet- 
ter in a skirmish that happened between them some 
days before. 

58. Pompey, on the other hand had strong expec- 
tations of success 5 he boasted, that he could put 
Caesar's legion to flight without striking a single 
blow ; presuming, that, as soon as the armies formed, 
his cavalry, on which he placed his greatest expec- 
tations, would outflank and surround the enemy. 

59. Labienus commended this scheme of Pompey ; 
alledging also, that the present troops, of which 
Caesar's army was composed, were but the shadow 
of those old legions that had fought in Britain and 
Gaul ' y that all the veterans were worn out, and had 
been replaced by new levies made in a hurry in Cis- 
alpine Gaul. To increase the confidence of the 
army still more, he took an oath, which the rest fol- 
lowed him in, never to return to the camp but with 
victory. In this disposition, and under these advan- 
tageous circumstances, Pompey led his troops to 
battle. 

60. Pompey's order of battle was good and well 
judged. In the centre, and on the two flanks, he 
placed all his veterans, and distributed his new raised 
troops between the wings and the main body. The 
Syrian legions were placed in the centre, under the 
command of Scipio ; the Spaniards, on whom he 
greatly relied, were put on the right under Domitius 
JEnobarbus, and on the left were stationed the two 
legions which Caesar had restored in the beginning 
of the war, led on by Pompey himself; because from 
thence he intended to make the attack which was to 
gain the day ; and for the same reason he had there 
assembled all his horse, slingers, and archers, of 
which his right wing had no need, being covered by 
the river Enipius. 

61. Caesar likewise divided his army into three 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 151 

bodies, under three commanders ; Domitius Calvi- 
nus being placed in the centre, and Mark Anthony 
on the left, while he himself led on the right wing, which 
was to oppose the left commanded by 7 rrpey. It 
is remarkable enough that Pompey, chose to put 
himself at the head of those troops which were disci- 
plined and instructed by Caesar, an incontestible 
proof how much he valued them aboveany of the rest 
of his army. Caesar on the contrary, placed himself 
at the head of his tenth legion, that had owed all its 
merit and fame to his own training. 

62. As he observed the enemy's numerous cavalry 
to be all drawn to one spot, he guessed at Pom- 
pey's intention ; to obviate which he made a draught 
of six cohorts from his rear line, and forming them 
into a separate body, concealed them behind his right 
wing, with instructions not to throw their javelins 
on the approach of Pompey's horse, as was customa- 
ry, but to keep them in their hands, and to push them 
directly in the faces and the eyes of the horsemen, 
who being composed of the younger part of the Ro- 
man nobility, valued themselves much upon their 
beauty, and dreaded a scar in the face more than a 
wound in the body. He lastly placed the cavalry 
he had so as to cover the right of the tenth legion, 
ordering his third line not to march till they had re- 
ceived the signal from him. 

63. As the armies approached, the two generals 
went from rank to rank encouraging their men, warm- 
ing their hopes and lessening their apprehension. 
Pompey represented to his men, that the glorious oc- 
casion which they had long besought him to grant, 
was now before them : " And indeed," cried he, 
" what advantages could you wish over an enemy 
" that you are not now possessed of? Your numbers, 
" your vigour, a late victory, all assure a speedy and 
" an easy conquest of those harassed and broken 
" troops composed of men worn out with age, and 
" impressed with terrours of a recent defeat ; but there 



152 THE HISTORY OF THE 

" is still a stronger bulwark for our protection than 
" the superiority of our strength, the justice of our 
" cause. 

64. You are engaged in the defence of liberty, and 
" of your country ; you are supported by its laws, 
" and followed by its magistrates ; you have the world 
" spectators of your conduct, and wishing you suc- 
" cess : on the contrary, he whom you oppose is a 
" robber and oppressor of his country, and almost 
" already sunk with the consciousness of his crimes, 
" as well as the bad success of his arms. Show then, 
" on this occasion, all that ardour, and detestation of 
" tyranny, that should animate Romans, and do jus- 1 
" tice to mankind." 

65. Caesar, on his side, went among his men with 
that steady serenity for which he was so much admir- 
ed in the midst of danger. He insisted on nothing 
so strongly to his soldiers as his frequent and unsuc- 
cessful endeavours for peace. He talked with terrour 
of the blood he was going to shed, and pleaded only 
the necessity that urged him to it. He deplored the 
many brave men that were to fall on both sides, and 
the wounds of his country, whoever should be vic- 
torious. 

66. His soldiers answered his speech with looks 
of ardour and impatience ; which observing, he gave 
the signal to begin. The word on Pompey's side, 
w ? as Herculus the invincible, that on Caesar's Venus 
the victorious. There was only so much space be- 
tween both armies as to give room for fighting ; 
wherefore Pompey ordered his men to receive the first 
shock without moving out of their places, expecting 
the enemy's ranks to be put into disorder by their 
motion. 

67. Cresar's soldiers were now rushing on with their 
usual impetuosity, when, perceiving the enemy motion- 
less, the}' all stopt short as if by general consent, and 
halted in the midst of their career. A terrible pause 
ensued, in which both armies continued to gaze upon 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 153 

each other with mutual terrour and dreadful serenity ; 
at length Caesar's men having taken breath ran fu- 
riously upon the enemy first discharging their jave- 
lins, and then drawing their swords. 

6rf. The same method was observed by Pompey's 
troops, who as vigorously sustained the attack. His 
cavalry also were ordered to charge at the very on- 
set, which with the multitude of archers and slingers, 
soon obliged Caesar's men to give ground ; where- 
upon Caesar immediately ordered the six cohorts that 
were placed as a reinforcement, to advance, with or- 
ders to strike at the enemy's faces. 

69. This had its desired effect ; the cavalry, that 
were but just now sure of victory, received an imme- 
diate check ; the unusual method of fighting pursued 
by the cohorts, their aiming entirely at the visages 
of the assailants, and the horrible disfiguring wounds 
they made, all contributed to intimidate them so 
much, that instead of defending their persons, their 
only endeavour was to save their faces. 

70. A total rout ensued of their whole body, which 
fled in great disorder to the neighbouring mountains, 
while the archers and slingers who were thus aban- 
doned were cut to pieces. Caesar now commanded 
the cohorts to pursue their success, and advancing, 
charged Pompey's troops upon the flank ; this charge 
the enemy withstood for some time with great bra- 
very, till he brought up his third line, which had not 
yet engaged. Pompey's infantry being thus doubly 
attacked in front by fresh troops, and in rear by 
the victorious cohorts, could no longer resist, but fled 
to their camp. 

71. The flight began among the strangers, though 
Pompey's right wing still valiantly maintained their 
ground. Caesar, however, being convinced that the 
victory was certain, with his usual clemency cried 
out to pursue the strangers, but to spare the Ro- 
mans ; upon which they all laid down their arms 
and received quarter. The greatest slaughter was 



154 THE HISTORY OF THE 

among the auxiliaries, who fled on all quarters, but 
principally went for safety to the camp. 

72. The battle had now lasted from the break of 
day till noon, the weather being extremely hot ; 
nevertheless the conquerors did not remit their arJour, 
being encouraged by the example of their general, 
who thought his victory not complete till he was 
master of the enemy's camp. Accordingly, march- 
ing on foot at their head, he called upon them to fol- 
low and strike the decisive blow. 

73. The cohorts, which were left to defend the 
camp, for some time made a formidable resistance, 
particularly a great number of Thracians and ether 
barbarians who were appointed for its defence ; but 
nothing could lesist the ardour of Caesar's victori- 
ous army ; they were at last driven from their trench- 
es, and all fled to the mountains not far off. 

74. Caesar, seeing the field and camp strewed with 
his fallen countrymen, was strongly affected at so 
melancholy a prospect, and could not help crying 
out to one that stood near him, " They would have 
it so." Upon entering the enemy's camp, every ob- 
ject presented fresh instances of the blind presumption 

and madness of his adversaries ; on all sides were to 
be seen tents adorned with ivy and branches of myr- 
tle, couches covered with purple, and sideboards 
loaded with plate. 

75. Every thing gave proofs of the highest luxury, 
and seemed rather the preparatives for a banquet, the 
rejoicings for a victory, than the dispositions for a 
battle. A camp so richly furnished might have been 
able to engage the attention of any troops but Cae- 
sar's ; there was still something to be done, and ne 
would not permit them to pursue any other object 
than their enemies .111 they were entirely subdued. 

76. A considerable body of these having retired to 
the adjacent mountains, he prevailed on his soldiers 
to join him in the pursuit in order to oblige these to 
surrender. He began by inclosing them with a line 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 155 

drawn at the foot of the mountain ; but they quickly 
abandoned a post which was not tenable for want of 
water, and endeavoured to reach the city of Larissa. 
Caesar led a party of his army by a shorter way, and 
intercepted their retreat, drawing up in order of bat- 
tle between them and the city. 

77. However, these unhappy fugitives once more 
found protection from a mountain, at the foot of 
which a rivulet ran, which supplied them with water. 
Now night approaching, Caesar's men were almost 
spent, and ready to faint with incessant toil since 
morning, yet still he prevailed upon them once more 
to renew their labours and to cut off the rivulet that 
supplied the defendants. The fugitives, thus deprived 
of all hopes of succour or subsistence, sent deputies 
to the conqueror, offering to surrender at discretion. 

78. During this interval of negotiation, a few se- 
nators that were among them took the advantage cf 
the night to escape, and the rest next morning 
gave up their arms, and experienced the conquer- 
or's clemency. In fact he addressed them with 
great gentleness, and forbade his soldiers to offer 
them any violence, or to take any thing from 
them. 

79. Thus Caesar, by his conduct, gained the most 
complete victory that had ever been obtained ; and 
by his great clemency after the battle seemed to have 
deserved it. HL loss amounted to -but two hundred 
men, and that of Pompey to fifteen thousand, as well 
Romans as auxiliaries : twenty-four thousand men 
surrendered themselves prisoners of war, and the 
greatest part of these entered into Caesar's army, and 
were incorporated with the rest of his forces. 

80. As to the senators and Roman knights who 
fell into his hcaids, he generously gave them liberty 
to retire wherever they thought proper: and as for 
the letters which Pompey had received from several 
persons who wished to be thorgbt neutral, he burnt 
them all without reading them, as Pompey had done 



156 THE HISTORY OF THE 

upon a former occasion. Thus having performed 
all the duties of a general and a statesman, he sent 
for the legions which had passed the night in the 
camp, to relieve those which had accompanied him 
in the pursuit and a rived the same day at Larissa. 

81. As for Pompey, who had formerly shown 
such instances of courage and conduct, when he saw 
his cavalry routed, on which he had placed his sole 
dependence, he absolutely lost his reason. 

82. Instead of thinking how to remedy this disor- 
der by rallying such troops as fled, or by opposing 
fresh troops to stop the progress of the conquerors, 
being totally amazed by this first blow, he returned 
to the camp, and in his tent waited the issue of an 
event which it was his duty to direct, not to follow ; 
there he remained for some moments without speak- 
ing, till being told that the camp was attacked, 
" What," says he, " are we pursued to our very 
ki intrenchments ?" and immediately quitting his ar- 
mour for a habit more suitable to his circumstances, 
he fled away on horseback to Larissa ; from whence 
perceiving he was not pursued, he slackened his 
pace, giving way to all the agonizing reflections 
w T hich his deplorable situation must naturally suggest. 

83. In this melancholy manner he passed along 
the vale of Tempe, and pursuing the river Peneus, 
at last arrived at a fisherman's but, in which he 
passed the night. From thence he went on board 
a little bark, and keeping along the sea shore, he 
descried a ship of some burthen which seemed pre- 
paring to sail, in which he embarked, the master of 
the vessel still paying him the homage which was 
due to his former station. 

84. From the mouth of the river Peneus he Sailed 
to Amphipolis, where finding his afiairs desperate, he 
s'eered to Lesbos, to take in his wife Cornelia, whom 
he had left there, at a distance from the dangers and 
hurry of the war. She, who had long flattered her- 
self with the hopes of victory, felt the reverse of her 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 157 

fortune in an agony of distress : she was desired by 
the messenger, whose tears more than words pro- 
claimed the greatness of her misfortunes, to hasten, 
if she expected to see Pompey, with but one ship 
and even that not his own ; her grief which before 
was violent became then insupportable ; she fainted 
away, and lay a considerable time without any signs 
of life. 

85. At length recovering herself, and reflecting it 
was now no time for vain lamentations, she ran quite 
through the city to the sea side. Pompey embraced 
her without speaking a word, and for some time sup- 
ported her in his arms in silent despair. 

86. Having taken in Cornelia, he now continued 
his course steering to the southeast, and stopping no 
longer than was necessary to take in provisions, at 
the ports that occurred in his passage. He was at 
last prevailed upon to apply to Ptolemy, king of 
Egypt, to whose father Pompey had been a consider- 
able benefactor. Ptolemy, who was as yet a minor, 
had not the government in his own hands, but he and 
his kingdom were under the direction of Photinus, 
an eunuch, and Theodotus, a master of the art of 
speaking. 

87. These advised that Pompey should be invited 
on shore and there slain ; and accordingly, Achillas, 
the commander of the forces, and Septimius, by birth 
a Roman, and who had formerly been a centurion 
in Pompey's army, were appointed to carry their 
opinions into execution. Being attended by three 
or four more, they went into a little bark, and rowed 
off from land towards Pompey's ship that lay about 
a mile from the shore. 

88. Pompey after having taken leave of Ccrnelia^ 
who wept at his departure, and having repeated two 
verses of Sophocles, signifying, that he who trusts 
his freedom to a tyrant from that moment becomes 
a slave, gave his hand to Achillas, and s + ept into the 
bark, with only two attendants of his own. They 

14 



158 THE HISTORY OF THE 

had now rowed from the ship a good way ; and, as 
during that time they all kept profound silence, 
Pompey, willing to begin the discourse, accosted 
Septimius, whose face he recollected. 

89. " Methinks, friend/' cried he " you and 1 
" were once fellow soldiers together." Septimius 
gave only a nod with his head, without uttering a 
word, or instancing the least civility. Pompey 
therefore t3ok out a paper, on which he had minuted 
a speech he intended to make to the king, and began 
reading it. 

90. In this manner they approached the shore; 
and Cornelia, whose concern had never suffered her 
to lose sight of her husband, began to conceive hope, 
when she perceived the people on the strand crowd- 
ing down along the coasts as if willing to receive 
him : but her hopes were soon destroyed ; for that 
instant, as Pompey rose, supporting himself upon his 
freed man's arm, Septimius stabbed him in the back, 
and was instantly seconded by Achillas. 

91. Pompey perceiving his death inevitable, only 
disposed himself to meet it with decency, and cover- 
ing his face with his rube, without speaking a word, 
with a sigh resigned himself to his fate. At this 
horrid sight Cornelia shrieked so loud as to be heard 
to the shore; but the danger she herself was in did 
not allow the mariners time to look on ; they immedi- 
ately set sail, and the wind proving favourable, fortu- 
nately they escaped the pursuit of the Egyptian gallies. 

92. In the mean time, Pompey's murderers having 
cut oft his head, caused it to be embalmed, the better 
to preserve its features, designing ii *br a present to 
Cresur. The body was thrown naked on the strand, 
and exposed to the view of all those whose curiosity 
led them that way. However, his faithful freed man 
Philip, still kept near it; and when the crowd was 
dispersed, he washed it in the sea; and looking 
round for materials to burn it, he perceived the wrecks 
of a fishing boat, of which he composed a pile. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 159 

93. While he was thus piously employed, lire was 
accosted by an old Roman soldier who had served 
under Pompey in his youth. " Who art thou," 
said he, " that art making these humble preparations 
"for Pompey's funeral?" Philip having answered, 
that he was one of his freed men, " Alas," replied 
the soldier, " permit me to share in this honour 
" also : among all the miseries of my exile it will be 
" my last sad comfort, that I have been able to assist 
" at the funeral of my old commander, and touch 
" the body of the bravest general that ever Rome 
" produced." Both joined in giving the corpse the 
last rites; and after this they, collecting his ashes, 
buried them under a little rising earth, scraped toge- 
ther with their hands over which was afterwards 
placed the following inscription: He ivhose merits 
deserve a temple can now scarce find a tomb. 



CHAPTER XXL 

From the destruction of the Commonwealth to the 
establishment of the first emperor Augustus* 

[U. C. 706.] 

1. CJESAR has been much celebrated for his 
fortune, and yet his abilities seem equal to his high- 
est successes. He possessed many shining qualities, 
without the intermixture of any defect but that of 
ambition. His talents were such as would have 
rendered him victorious at the head of any army he 
commanded, and he would have governed in any 
republic that had given him birth. Having now 
gained a most complete victory, his success only 
seemed to increase his activity, and inspire him with 
frerh resolution to face new dangers. He resolved 
therefore to pursue his last advantage, and follow 
Pompey to whatever country he should retire : con- 



160 THE HISTORY OF THE 

vincedj that during his life he might gain new tri- 
umphs, but could never enjoy security. 

2. Accordingly, losing no time, he set sail for 
Egypt, and arrived at Alexandria with about four 
thousand men ; a very inconsiderable force to keep 
such a powerful kingdom under subjection. Upon 
his landing, the first accounts he received were of 
Pompey's miserable end ; and soon after one of the 
murderers came with his head and ring, as a most 
grateful present to the conqueror. 

3. But Caesar had too much humanity to be pleas- 
ed with such an horrid spectacle; he turned away 
from it with disgust , and, after a short pause, gave 
vent to his pity in a flood of tears. He shortly after 
ordered a magnificent tomb to be built to his memo- 
ry, on the spot where he was murdered, and a tem- 
ple near the place to Nemesis, who was the goddess that 
punished those that were cruel to men in adversity. 

4. It would seem that the Egyptians by this time 
had some hopes of breaking off all alliance with the 
Romans, which they considered, as in fact it was, 
but a specious subjection. They first began to take 
offence at Caesar's carrying the ensigns of Roman 
power before him as he entered the city. — Photinus, 
the eunuch, also treated him with great disrespect, 
and even attempted his life. 

5. Caesar, however, concealed his resentment till 
he had a force sufficient to punish his treachery; and 
sending privately for the legions which had been for- 
merly enrolled for Pompey's service, as being the 
nearest to Egypt, he in the mean time pretended to 
repose an entire confidence in the king's minister, 
making great entertainments, and assisting at the 
conferences of the philosophers, who were in great 
numbers at Alexandria. However, he soon changed 
his manner, when he found himself in no danger 
from the minister's attempts; and declared, tha: as 
Leing a Roman consul, it was his duty to settle the 
succession of the Egyptian crown. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 161 

6. There were at that time two pretenders to the 
crown of Egypt ; Ptolemy, the acknowledged king, 
and the celebrated Cleopatra, his sister, to whom, by 
the custom of the country, he also was married, and 
who, by his father's will shared jointly in the suc- 
cession. Not being contented with a bare participa- 
tion of power, Cleopatra aimed at governing alone ; 
but being opposed in her views by the Roman se- 
nate, who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, 
she was banished into Syria with Arsinoe, her younger 
sister. 

7. Caesar gave her new hopes of aspiring to the 
kingdom, and sent to both her and her brother to 
plead their cause before him. Photinus, the young 
king's guardian, disdained accepting this proposal, 
and backed his refusal by sending an army of twenty 
thousand men to besiege him in Alexandria. Caesar 
bravely repulsed the enemy for some time; but find- 
ing the city of too great extent to be defended by so 
small an army as he then commanded, he retired to 
the palace which commanded the harbour, where he 
purposed to make his stand. 

8. Achillas, who commanded the Egyptians, at- 
tacked him there with great vigour, and still aimed 
at making himself master of the fleet that lay before 
the palace. Caesar, however, too well knew the im- 
portance of those ships in the hands of an enemy, 
and therefore burnt them all in spite of every effort 
to prevent him. He next possessed himself of the isle 
of Pharos which was the key to the Alexandrian 
port; by which he was enabled to receive the supplies 
sent him from all sides ; and in this situation he de- 
termined to withstand the united force of all the 
Egyptians. 

9. In the mean time, Cleopatra having heard of 
the present turn in her favour, resolved to depend 
rather on Caesar's favour for gaining the govern- 
ment than her own forces. Rut no arts, as she 
justly conceived, were so likely to influence Caesar 

14* 



162 THE HISTORY OF THE 

as the charms of her person, which, though not 
faultless, were yet extremely seducing. She was 
now in the bloom of her youth, and every feature 
borrowed grace from the lively turn of her temper. 

10. To the most enchanting address she joined 
the most harmonious voice. With all these accom- 
plishments she possessed a great share of the learning 
of the times, and could give audience to the ambas- 
sadors of seven different nations without an interpre- 
ter. The difficulty was how to get at Caesar, as her 
enemies were in possession of ail the avenues that 
led to the palace. 

11. For this purpose she went on board a small 
vessel, and in the evening landed near the palace, 
where, being wrapt up in a coverlet, she was carried 
by one Aspolodorus into the very chamber of Caesar. 
— Her address at first pleased him ; her wit and un- 
derstanding still fanned the flame ; but her caresses, 
which were carried beyond the bounds of innocence, 
entirely brought him over to second her claims. 

12. While Cleopatra was thus employed in for- 
warding her own views, her sister Arsinoe was also 
strenuously engaged in the camp in pursuing a se- 
parate interest. She had found means, by the assist- 
ance of one Ganymede, her confidant, to make a 
large division in the Egyptian army in her favour ; 
and soon after, by one of those sudden revolutions 
which are common in barbarian camps to this day, 
she caused Achillas to be murdered, and Ganymede 
to rake the command in his stead, and to carry on the 
siege with greater vigour than before. — 

13. Ganymede's principal effort was by letting in 
the sea upon those canals which supplied the palace 
with fresh water ; but this inconvenience Coesar re- 
medied by digging a great number of wells. His 
next endeavour was to prevent the junction of Coesar's 
twenty-fourth legion, which he twice attempted in 
vain. He soon after made himself master of a bridge 
which joined the isle of Pharos to the continent, 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 163 

from which post Cresar was resolved to dislodge 
him. 

14. In the heat of the action some mariners, 
partly through curiosity, and partly ambition, came 
and joined the combatants; but, being seized with a 
panic, instantly fled and spread a general terrour 
through the army. All Caesar's endeavours to rally 
his forces were in vain, the confusion was past reme- 
dy, and numbers were drowned or put to the sword 
in attempting to escape. — 

15. Now, therefore, seeing the irremediable dis- 
order of his troops, he retired to a ship in order to 
get to the palace that was just opposite ; however, 
he was no sooner on board than great crowds enter- 
ed at the same time with him ; upon which, appre- 
hensive of the ship's sinking, he jumped into the sea, 
and swam two hundred paces to the fleet that lay 
before the palace, all the time holding his own com- 
mentaries in his left hand above water, and his coat 
of mail in his teeth. 

16. The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take 
the palace ineffectual, endeavoured at least to get 
their king out of Caesar's power, as he had seized 
upon his person in the beginning of their disputes. 
For this purpose they made use of their customary 
arts of dissimulation, professing the utmost desire of 
peace, and only wanting the presence of their lawful 
prince to give a sanction to the treaty. 

17. Caesar, who was sensible of their perfidy, 
nevertheless concealed his suspicions, and gave them 
their king, as he was under no apprehensions from 
the abilities of a boy. Ptolemy, however, the instant 
he was set at liberty, instead of promoting tho 
peace, made every effort to give vigour to his hos- 
tilities. 

18. In this manner, Caesar w r as hemmed in for 
some time by this artful and insidious enemy with all 
manner of difficulties against him ; but he was at last 
velieved from this mortifying situation by Mithridates 



164 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Pergamenus, one of his most faithful partizans, who 
came with an army to his assistance. 

19. This general collecting a numerous army in 
Syria, marched into Egypt, took the city of Pelu- 
sim, repulsed the Egyptian army with loss, and at 
last, joining frith Caesar, attacked thair camp with 
a great slaughter of the Egyptians : Ptolemy himseli 
attempting to escape on board a vessel that was 
sailing down the river, was drowned by the ship's 
sinking ; and Caesar thus became master of all 
Egypt without any further opposition. He therefore 
appointed Cleopatra, with her younger brother, who 
was then an infant, as joint governors, according to 
the intent of their father's will, and drove out Arsinoe 
with Gai^mede into banishment. 

20. Having thus given away kingdoms, he now 
for a while seemed to relax from the usual activity 
of his conduct, captivated with the charms of Cleo- 
patra. Instead of quitting Egypt to go and quell 
the remains of Pompey's party, he there abandoned 
himself to his pleasures, passing whole nights in feast- 
ing, and all the excesses of high wrought luxury 
with the young queen. 

21. He even resolved to attend her up the Nile 
into ^Ethiopia ; but the brave veterans, who had 
long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended his 
conduct, and refused to be partners in so infamous 
an expedition. Thus, at length, roused from his 
lethargy, he resolved to prefer the call of ambition 
to that of love; and to leave Cleopatra, (by whom 
he had a son w r ho was afterwards named Cesario) in 
order to oppose Pharnaces, the king of Bosphorus, 
who had made some inroads upon the dominions of 
Rome. 

22. This prince, who was the son of the great 
Mithridates, being ambitious of recovering his father's 
dominions, seized upon Armenia, and Colchis, and 
overcame Domitius who had been sent against him. 
Upon Caesar's march to oppose him, Pharnaces, who 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 1C5 

was as much terrified at the name of the general as 
at the strength of his army, laboured by all the arts 
of negotiation, to avert the impending danger. 
Caesar, exasperated at his crimes and ingratitude, at 
first dissembled with the ambassadors, and using all 
expedition, fell upon the enemy unexpectedly, and 
in a few hours obtained a speedy and complete 
victory. 

23. Pharnaces attempted to take refuge in his 
capital, and was slain by one of his own commanders 
— A just punishment for his former parricide. But 
Caesar conquered him with so much ease, that in 
writing to a friend at Rome, he expressed the rapid- 
ity of his victory in three words; " Veni, vidi, vie?" 
A man so accustomed to conquest thought a slight 
battle scarce worth a longer letter. 

24. Caesar having settled affairs in this part of the 
empire, as well as time would permit, embarked for 
Italy, where he arrived sooner than his enemies could 
expect ; but not before his affairs there absolutely 
required his presence. He had been during his ab- 
sence, created consul for five years, dictator for one 
year, and tribune of the people for life. But Anthony, 
w|io in the mean time governed in Rome for him, 
had niied the city with riot and debauchery, and 
many commotions ensued, which nothing but the 
arrival of Caesar, so opportunely, could appease. 

25. However, by his moderation and humanity, 
he soon restored tranquillity to the city, scarce ma- 
king any distinction between those of his own and 
the opposite party. Having by gentle means restor- 
ed his authority at home, he prepared to inarch into 
Africa, where Pompey's party had found time to 
rally under Sc ! pio and Cato assisted by Juba, king 
of Mauritania ; and with his usual diligence landed 
with a small party in Africa, while the rest of his 
army followed him. 

26. Scip.io coming to a battle soon after, received 
a complete and final overthrow, with little or no loss 



166 THE HISTORY OF THE 

on the side of the victor. Juba and Petreus his ge- 
nerals killed each other in despair. Scipio, attempt- 
ing to escape by sea into Spain, fell in among the 
enemy and was slain : so that, of all the generals of 
that undone party, Cato was now the only one that 
remained. 

27. This extraordinary man, whom no prosperity 
could elate, nor any misfortune depress, having retir- 
ed into Africa after the battle of Pharsalia, had led 
the wretched remains of that defeat through burning 
deserts and tracts, infested with serpents of various 
malignity, and was now in the city of Utica, which 
he had been left to defend. Still, however, in love 
with even the show of Roman government, he had 
formed the principal citizens into a senate, and con- 
ceived a resolution of holding out the town. 

28. But the enthusiasm of liberty subsiding among 
his followers, he was resolved no longer to force 
men to be free who seemed naturally prone to sla- 
very. He now therefore desired some of his friends 
to save themselves by sea, and bade others to rely 
upon Caesar's clemency; observing, that as to him- 
self he was at last victorious. After his supping 
cheerfully among his friends, he retired to his apart- 
ment, where he behaved with unusual tenderness to 
his son and to all his friends. 

29. When he came into his bed chamber he laid 
himself down and took up Plato's dialogue on the 
immortality of the soui ; and having read for some 
time, happening to cast his eyes to the head of his 
bed, he was much surprised not to find his sword 
there, which had been taken away by his son's order 
while they were at supper. Upon this, calling one 
of his domestics to know what was become of his 
sword, and receiving no answer, he resumed his 
studies ; but some time after called for his sword 
again. 

30. When he had done reading, and perceiving 
nobody obeyed him in bringing his sword ; he called 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 167 

his domestics one after the other, and with a peremp- 
tory air demanded his sword once more. His son 
came in soon after, and with tears besought him in 
the most humble manner to change his resolution; 
but receiving a stern reprimand, he desisted from his 
persuasions. His sword being at length brought 
him, he seemed satisfied ; and cried out, " Now 
" again I am master of myself." 

31. He then took up the book again, which he 
had read twice over, and fell into a sound sleep. 
Upon awaking, he called to one of his freed men to 
know if his friends were embarked, or if any thing 
yet remained that could be done to serve them. 
The freed man assuring him that all was quiet, he 
was then ordered again to leave the room ; and Cato 
was no sooner alone than he stabbed himself with 
his sword through the breast, but not with that force 
he intended ; for the wound not dispatching him, he 
fell upon his bed, and at the same time overturned a 
table on which he had been drawing some geometri- 
cal figures. 

32. At the noise he made in his fall, his servants 
gave a shriek, and his son and friends immediately 
entered the room. They found him weltering in nis 
blood, and his bowels pushed out through the wound. 
The physician who attended his family, perceiving 
that his intestines were yet untouched, was for repla- 
cing them ; but when Cato had recovered his senses, 
and understood their intention to preserve his life, he 
pushed the physician from him, and with a fierce re- 
solution tore out his bowels and expired. 

33. Upon the death of Cato, the war in Africa be- 
ing completed, Caesar returned in triumph to Rome ; 
and, as if he had abridged all his former triumphs 
only to increase the splendour of this, the citizens 
were astonished at the magnificence of the procession, 
and the number of countries he had subdued. It 
lasted four days ; the first was for Gaul, the second 
for Egypt, the third for his victories in Asia, and the 



168 THE HISTORY OF THE 

fourth for that over Juba in Africa. His veteran 
soldiers, all scarred with wounds, and now laid up 
for life, followed their triumphant general crowned 
w 7 ith laurels, and conducted him to the capitol. 

34. To every one of these he gave a sum equiva- 
lent to about an hundred and fifty pounds of our 
money, double that sum to the centurions, and four 
times as much to superiour officers. The citizens also 
shared his bounty ; to every one of which he distri- 
buted ten bushels of corn, ten pounds of oil, and a 
sum of money equal to about two pounds sterling of 
ours. He after this entertained the people at about 
twenty thousand tables, treated them with the com- 
bat of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourse 
of spectators from every part of Italy. 

35. The people intoxicated with the allurements 
of pleasure, thought their freedom too small a return 
for such benefits : they seemed eager only to find 
out new modes of homage, and unusual epithets of 
adulation for their great enslaver. He was created 
by a new title, Jllagister Morum, or master of the 
morals of the people; he received the title of Empe- 
ror, father of his country ; his person was declared 
sacred ; and in short, upon him alone were devolved 
for life all the great dignities of the state. 

36. It must be owned, however, that so much pow- 
er could never have been entrusted to better keeping. 
He immediately began his empire by repressing vice 
and encouraging virtue. He committed the power 
of judicature to the senators and the knights alone : 
and by many sumptuary laws restrained the scanda- 
lous luxuries of the rich. He proposed rewards to 
all such as had many children, and took the most 
prudent methods of repeopling the city that had been 
exhausted in the late commotions. 

37. Having thus restored prosperity once more to 
Rome, he again found himself under u necessity of 
going into Spain to oppose an army which had been 
raised there under the two sons of Pompey, 



COMMONWEALTH OF UCMIJb. MS 

Labienus, his former general. He proceeded in this 
expedition with his usual celerity, and arrived m 
Spain before the enemy thought him yet departed 
from Rome. 

33. Cneius and Sextus, Pompey's sons, profiting 
by their unhappy father's example, resolved, as much 
as possible, to protract the war; so that the first opera- 
tions of the two armies were spent in sieges andfruitless 
attempts to surprise each other. — At length, Caesar, 
after taking many cities from the enemy, and pursu- 
ing Pornpey with unwearied perseverance, at last 
compelled him to come to a battle upon the olains 
of Munda. 

39. Pompey drew up his men by break of day, 
upon the declivity of an hill, with great exactness 
and order. Caesar drew up his men likewise in the 
plain below ; and after advancing a little way frorj 
his trenches, he ordered his men to make an halt, 
expecting the enemy to come down from the hill. 

40. This delay made Caesar's soldiers begin to 
murmur, while Pompey's, with full vigour, poured 
down upon them, and a dreadful conflict ensued. — 
The first shock was so dreadful, that Caesar's men, 
who had hitherto been used to conquer, now began 
to waver. — Caesar was never in so much danger as 
now : he threw himself, several times, into the very 
throng of battle. — " What," cried he, " are you go- 
(i ing to give up your general, who is grown grey in 
w fighting at your head, to a parcel of boys ?" 

41. Upon this, his tenth legion exerted themselves 
with more than former bravery ; and a party of horse 
being detached by Labienus, from the camp, in the 
pursuit of a body of Numidian cavalry, Caesar cried 
aloud, that they were flying. This cry instantly 
spread itself through both armies, exciting the one as 
much as it depressed the other. Now, therefore, the 
tenth legion pressed forward, and a total rout ensued. 

42. Thirty thousand men were killed on Pompey's 
side, among whom was Labienus, whom Caesar or- 

15 I 



170 THE HISTORY OF THE 

dered to be buried with the funeral honours of a ge- 
neral officer. Cneius Pompey escaped with a few 
horsemen to the sea side, but finding his passage in- 
tercepted by Caesar's lieutenant, he was obliged to 
seek for a retreat in an obscure cavern. He was 
quickly discovered by some of Caesar's troops, who 
presently cut off his head, and brought it to the con- 
queror. His brother Sextus, however, concealed 
himself so well that he escaped all pursuit, and after- 
wards became very noted and formidable, for his pi- 
racies to the people of Rome. 

43. Caesar, by this last blow, subdued all his avow- 
ed enemies, and the rest of his life was employed for 
the advantage of the state. He adorned the city with 
magnificent buildings ; he rebuilt Carthage and Co- 
rinth, sending colonies to both cities ; he undertook 
to level several mountains in Italy, to drain the Pon- 
tine marshes near Rome, and designed to cut through 
the isthmus of Peloponnesus. 

44. Thus with a mind that could never remain in- 
active, he pondered mighty projects and designs be- 
yond the limits of the longest life ; but the greatest 
of all was his intended expedition against the Par- 
thians, by which he designed to revenge the death of 
Crassus, who having penetrated too far into their 
country, was overthrown, himself taken prisoner, and 
put to a cruel death, by having molten gold poured 
down his throat, as a punishment for his former 
avarice. 

45. From thence Caesar intended to pass through 
Hyrcania, and enter Scythia along the banks of the 
Caspian sea, then to open himself a way through thf 
immeasurable forests of Germany into Gaul, and so t<v 
return to Rome. — These were the aims of ambition ; 
the jealousy of a few individuals put an end to them all 

46. Having been made perpetual dictator, and re- 
ceived from the senate accumulated honours, it began 
to be rumoured that he intended to make himself 
king, and though in fact he was possessed of the pow- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 171 

er, the people* who had an utter aversion to the name, 
could not bear his assuming the title. — Whether he 
really designed to assume that empty honour, must 
now forever remain a secret ; but certain it is, that 
the unsuspecting openness of his conduct, marked 
something like a confidence in the innocence of his 
intentions* 

47. When informed by those about him, of the jea- 
lousies of many persons who envied his power, he 
was heard to say, that he had rather die at once, by 
treason, than to live continually in the apprehension 
of it. When advised by some to beware of Brutus, 
in whom he had for some time reposed the greatest 
confidence, he opened his breast, all scarred with 
wounds, saying, " Can you think Brutus cares for 
" such poor pillage as this ?" 

48. And being one night at supper, as his friends 
disputed among themselves what death was easiest, 
he replied, " that which was most sudden and least 
" foreseen*" But to convince the world how little 
he had to apprehend from his enemies, he disbanded 
his company of Spanish guards, which facilitated the 
enterprise against his life. 

49. A deep conspiracy was therefore laid against 
him, composed of no less than sixty senators. They 
were still the more formidable, as the generality of 
them were of his own party, who, having been raised 
above other citizens, felt more strongly the weight of 
a single superiour. At the head of this conspiracy 
were Brutus, whose life Caesar had spared after the 
battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius who was pardoned 
soon after, both praetors for the present year. 

50. Brutus made it his chief glory to have been 
descended from that Brutus who first gave liberty to 
Rome. The passion for freedom seemed to have 
been transmitted with the blood of his ancestors down 
to him. But though he detested tyranny, yet he could 
not forbear loving the tyrant, from whom he had re 
ceived the most signal benefits. 



172 THE HISTORY OF THE 

51. The conspirators, to give a colour of justice 
to their proceedings, remitted the execution of their 
designs to the ides of March, the day on which Cae- 
sar was to be offered the crown. The augurs had 
foretold that this clay would be fatal to him ; and the 
night preceding, he heard his wife Culpurnia la- 
menting in her sleep ; and being awakened, she con- 
fessed to him that she dreamt of his being assassinated 
in her arms. 

52. These omens in some measure began to change 
his intentions of going to the senate, as he had re- 
solved, that day ; but one of the conspirators coming 
in prevailed upon him to keep his resolution, telling 
him of the reproach that would attend his staying at 
home till his wife had lucky dreams, and of the pre- 
parations that were made for his appearance. As he 
went along to the senate, a slave, who hastened to 
him with information of the conspiracy, attempted to 
come near him, but could not for the crowd. 

52. Artemidorus, a Greek philosopher, who had 
discovered the whole plot, delivered him a memorial 
containing the heads of the information ; but Caesar 
gave it with other papers, to one of his secretaries 
without reading, as was usual in things of this nature. 
Being at length entered the senate house, where the 
conspirators were prepared to receive him, he met 
one Spurina, an augur, who had foretold his danger ; 
to whom he said, smiling, " Well, Spurina, the ides 
M of March are come." " Yes," replied the augur> 
" but they are not yet over." 

54. As soon as he had taken his place the conspi- 
rators came near him, under pretence of saluting him: 
and Cimber, who was one of them, approached in a 
suppliant posture, pretending to sue for his brother's 
pardon, who had been banished by his order. AH 
the conspirators seconded him with great earnestness; 
aud Cimber, seeming to sue with still greater submis- 
sion, took hold of the bottom of his robe, holding him 
so as to prevent his rising. This was the signal 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 173 

agreed on. Casca, who was behind, stabbed him, 
though slightly, in the shoulder. 

55. Caesar instantly turned round, and, with the 
steel of his tablet, wounded him in the arm. How- 
ever, all the conspirators were now alarmed ; and, 
inclosing him round, he received a second stab from 
an unknown hand in the breast, while Cassius wound- 
ed him in the face. He still defended himself with great 
vigour, rushing among them, and throwing down 
such as opposed him, till he saw Brutus among the 
conspirators, who coming up, struck his dagger into 
his thigh. 

56. From that moment Caesar thought no more of 
defending himself: but looking upon this conspira- 
tor, cried out, " And you too, my son !" Then 
covering his head, and spreading his robe before him, 
in order to fall with greater decency, he sunk down 
at the base of Pompey's statue, after receiving three 
and twenty wounds from hands which he vainly sup- 
posed he had disarmed by his benefits. 

57. Caesar was killed in the fifty-sixth 

year of his age, and about fourteen years U. C. 
after he began the conquest of the world. 710. 
If we examine his history, we shall be equal- 
ly at a loss whether most to admire his great abilities or 
his wonderful fortune. To pretend to say that from 
the beginning he planned the subjection of his native 
country, is doing no great credit to his well known 
penetration, as a thousand obstacles lay in his 
way, which fortune rather than conduct, was to 
surmount. 

58. No man, therefore, of his sagacity, would have 
begun a scheme in which the chances of succeeding 
were so many against him : it is most probable, that 
like all very successful men, he only made the best of 
every occurrence ; and his ambition rising with his 
good fortune, from at first being contented with hum- 
bler aims, he at last began to think of governing the 
world when he found scarce any obstacle to oppose 

15* 



174 THE HISTORY OF THE 

his designs. — Such is the disposition of man, whose 
cravings after power are always most insatiable when 
he enjoj's the greatest share. 

59. As soon as the conspirators had dispatched 
Caesar, they all retired to the capitoL and guarded 
its accesses by a body of gladiators which Brutus 
had in pay\ 

60. The friends of the late dictator now began to 
find that this was the time for coining into greater 
power than before, and for satisfying their ambition 
under the veil of promoting justice. Of this number 
was Anthony, whom we have already seen acting as 
a lieutenant under Caesar, and governing Rome ia 
his absence. 

61. He was a man of moderate abilities and ex- 
cessive vices, ambitious of power, only, because 
it gave his pleasures a wider range to riot in, but 
skilled in war to which he had been trained from his 
youth. He was consul for this year, and resolved, 
with Lepidus, who was fond of commotions like him- 
self, to seize this opportunity of gaining that power 
which Caesar had died for usurping. Lepidus, there- 
fore, took possession of the Forum with a band of 
soldiers at his devotion ; and Anthony, being consul, 
was permitted to command them. 

62. Their first step was to possess themselves of 
all Caesar's papers and money, and the next to con- 
vene the senate. Never had this august assembly 
been convened upon so delicate an occasion, as it 
was to determine whether Caesar had been a legal 
magistrate or a tyrannical usurper, and whether those 
who killed him merited rewards or punishments. 

63. There were many of these who had received 
all their promotions from Caesar, and had acquired 
large fortunes in consequence of his appointments : 
to vote him an usurper, therefore, would be to en- 
danger their property ; and yet to vote him innocent 
might endanger the state. In this dilemma they 
seemed willing to reconcile extremes ; wherefore the^ 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 175 

approved all the acts of Caesar, and yet granted 
a general pardon to all the conspirators. 

€4. This decree was very far from giving Anthony 
satisfaction, as it granted security to a number of 
men who were the avowed enemies of tyranny, and 
who would be foremost in opposing his schemes of re- 
storing absolute power, As therefore the senate had 
ratified all Caesars acts without distinction, he formed 
a scheme upon this of making him rule when dead 
as imperiously as he had done when living. 

€&. Being, as was said, possessed of Caesar's books 
of accounts, be so far gained upon his secretary as 
to make him insert whatever he thought proper. By 
these means great sums of money, which Caesar 
would never have bestowed, were there distributed 
among the people ; and every man who had any se- 
ditious designs against the government was there sure 
of finding a gratuity. 

£(>. Things being in this situation, Anthony de- 
manded of the senate that Caesar's funeral obsequies 
should be performed, which they could not decently 
forbid, as»they had never declared him a tyrant : 
accordingly the body was brought forth into the Fo- 
rum with the utmost solemnity ; and Anthony, who 
charged himself with these last duties of friendship, 
began his operations upon the passions of the people 
by the prevailing motives of private interest, 

67. He first read them Caesar's will, in which he 
had left Octavius, his sister's grandsen, his heir, per- 
mitting him to take the name of Caesar, and three 
parts of his private fortune ; and Brutus was to inhe- 
rit in case of his death. The Roman people were left 
the gardens which he had on the other side of the 
Tyber ; and every citizen in particular was to receive 
three thousand sesterces ; and unfolding Caesar's 
bloody robe in sight of the multitude, he took care 
l they should observe the number of stabs in it ; then 
displayed an image, which to them appeared the 
body of Caesar^ all covered with wounds. 



176 THE HISTORY OF THE 

68. They could no longer contain their indigna 
tion, but unanimously cried out for revenge, and ran 
with flaming brands from the pile to set fire to the 
conspirators' houses. In this rage of resenting, 
meeting with one Cinna, whom they mistook for 
another of the same name who was in the conspiracy, 
they tore him in pieces. The conspirators themselves, 
however, being well guarded, repulsed the multitude 
with no great trouble ; but perceiving the rage of tbe 
people, they thought it soon after safest to retire 
from the city. 

69. In this mean time, Anthony, who had excited 
the flame, resolved to make the best of the occasion. 
Bat an obstacle to his ambition seemed to arise from 
a quarter on which he least expected it, namely, 
from Octavius Csesar, afterwards called Augustus, 
who was the grand nephew and adopted son of 
Caesar. 

70. A third competitor also for power, appeared 
in Lepidus, a man of some authority and great riches 
at Rome. At first, the ambition of these three seem- 
ed to threaten fatal consequences to each other, but, 
uniting soon after in the common cause, they resolved 
to revenge the death of Csesar ; and dividing all 
power among themselves, formed what is called the 
second Triumvirate. 

71. The meeting of these three usurpers of their 
country's freedom was near Mutina, upon a little 
island of the river Panarus. Their mutual suspi- 
cions were the cause of their meeting in a place 
where they could not fear any treachery ; for, even 
in their union they could not divest themselves of 
mutual diffidence. Lepidus first entered, and finding 
all things safe, made the signal for the other two to 
approach. 

! 72. They embraced each other upon their first 
meeting ; and Augustus began the conference, by 
thanking Anthony for his zeal in putting Decimus 
Brutus to death, who, being abandoned by his army 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 177 

was taken, as he was designing to escape into Ma- 
cedonia, and beheaded by Anthony's command. 
They then entered upon the business that lay before 
thern, without any retrospection of the past, 

73. Their conference, lasted for three days; and 
in this period they fixed a division of government, 
and determined upon the fate of thousands. The 
result of which was, that die supreme authority should 
be lodged in their tends, under the title of the Tri- 
umvirate, for the space of five years ; that Anthony 
should have <3anl ; Lepidus, Spain ; and Augustus, 
Africa and the Mediterranean islands. 

74. As for Italy and the eastern provinces, they 
were to remain in common, until their general ene- 
my was entirely subdued ; when, among other arti- 
cles of union, it was agreed that all their enemies 
should be destroyed, of which each presented a list. 
In these were comprised not only the enemies, but 
the friends of the Triumvirate, since the partizans of 
the one were often found among the opposers of the 
other. 

75. Thus Lepidus gave up his brother Paulus to 
the vengeance of his colleague ; Anthony permitted 
the proscription of his uncle Lucius, and Augustus 
delivered up the great Cicero, who was assassinated 
shortly after by Anthony's command. 

76. In the mean time, Brutus and Cassius the 
principal of the conspirators against Caesar, being 
compelled to quit Rome, went into Greece, where 
they persuaded the Roman students at Athens, to de- 
clare in the cause of freedom. Then parting, the 
former raised a powerful army in Macedonia and the 
adjacent countries, while the latter w T ent into Syria, 
where 1*3 soon became master of twelve legions, and 
reduced his opponent Dolabella, to such straits as to 
kill himself. 

77. Both armies soon after joining at Smyrna, the 
sight of such a formidable force began to revive the 
declining spirits of the partv, and to reunite the two 

J 2 



178 THE HISTORY OF THE 

generals still more closely, between whom there had 
been, some time before, a slight misunderstanding. 

78. In short, having quitted Italy like distressed 
exiles, without having one single soldier, or one 
town, that owned their command, they now found 
themselves at the head of a flourishing army, fur- 
nished with all the necessaries for carrying on the 
war, and in a condition to support a contest where 
the empire of the world depended on the event. 
This success in raising levies, was entirely owing to 
the justice, moderation, and great humanity of Bru- 
tus, who in every instance, seemed studious of the 
happiness of his country, and not his own. 

79. It was in this flourishing state of their affairs, 
that the conspirators had formed a resolution of going 
against Cleopatra, w r ho had made great preparations 
to assist their opponents. However, they were di 
verted from this purpose, by an information that 
Augustus and Anthony were now upon their march, 
with forty legions to oppose them. Brutus therefore, 
moved to have their army pass over into Greece and 
Macedonia, and there meet the enemy; but Cassius 
so far prevailed, as to have the Rhodians and Lycians 
first reduced, who had refused their usual contri- 
butions. 

80. This expedition was immediately put in exe- 
cution, and extraordinary contributions were raised 
by that means, the Rhodians having scarce any 
thing left them but their lives. The Lycians suffered 
still more severely, for, having shut themselves up 
in the city of Xanthius, they defended the place 
against Brutus with such fury, that neither his arts 
nor entreaties could prevail upon them to surrender. 

81. At length, the town being set on fire by their 
attempting to burn the works of the Romans, Bru- 
tus, instead of laying hold of this opportunity to 
storm the place made every effort to preserve it, en- 
treating his soldiers to try all means of extinguishing 
the fire : but the desperate phrenzy of the citizens 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 179 

was not to be mollified. Far from thinking them- 
selves obliged to their generous enemy for the efforts 
which were made to save them, they resolved to 
perish in the flames. Wherefore, instead of extin- 
guishing, they did all in their power to augment the 
fire, by throwing in wood, dry reeds, and all kinds 
of fuel. 

82. Nothing could exceed the distress of Brutus 
upon seeing the townsmen thus resolutely bent on 
destroying themselves : he rode about the fortifica- 
tions, stretching out his hands to the Xanthians, and 
conjuring them to have pity on themselves and their 
city: but, insensible to his expostulations, they rush- 
ed into the flames w T ith desperate obstinacy, and the 
whole soon became an heap of undistinguishable 
ruin. At this horrid spectacle, Brutus melted into 
tears, offering a reward to every soldier who should 
bring him a Lycian alive. The number of those 
whom it was possible to save from their own fury 
amounted to no more than one hundred and fifty. 

83. Brutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis, 
where, after the usual ceremonies were passed between 
them, they resolved to have a private conference to- 
gether. They shut themselves up therefore in the 
first convenient house, with express orders to their 
servants, to give no admission. Brutus began by 
reprimanding Cassius for having disposed of offices 
which should ever be the reward of merit, and for 
having overtaxed the tributary states. 

84. Cassius retorted the imputation of avarice 
with the more bitterness, as he knew the charge to be 
groundless. The debate grew warm, till, from loud 
speaking, they burst into tears. — Their friends, who 
were standing at the door, overheard the increasing 
vehemence of their voices, and began to dread for the 
consequences; till Favonius, who valued himself 
upon a cynical boldness that knew no restraint, en- 
tering the room with a jest, calmed their mutual 
animosity. 



180 THE HISTORY OF THE 

85. Cassias was ready enough to forego his anger, 
being a man of great abilities, but of uneven dispo- 
sition ; not averse to pleasure in private company, 
and upon the whole, of morals not quite sincere. 
But the conduct of Brutus was always perfectly 
steady. An even gentleness, a noble elevation of 
sentiment, a strength of mind over which neither 
vice nor pleasure could have any influence, an inflex- 
ible firmness in the defence of justice, composed the 
character of that great man. 

86. After their conference, night coming on, Cas^ 
sius invited Brutus and his friends to an entertain- 
ment, where freedom and cheerfulness tor a while 
took place of political anxiety, and softened the se~ 
verity of wisdom* Upon returning home, it was 
that Brutus, as Plutarch tells the story, saw a spectre 
in his tent. He naturally slept but little, and he 
increased this state of watchfulness by habit and 
great sobriety. 

87. He never allowed himself to sleep in the day 
time, as was then common in Rome, and only gave 
so much of the night to sleep as could barely renew 
the natural functions. But especially now, when 
opprest with such various cares, he only gave a short 
time after his nightly repast to rest; and waking 
about midnight, generally read or studied till morn- 
ing. 

88. It was in the dead of the night, when the whole 
camp w T as perfectly quiet, that Brutus was thus em- 
ployed in reading by a lamp that was just expiring. 
On a sudden he thought he heard a noise as if some- 
body entered, and looking towards the door he per- 
ceived it open. A gigantic figure, with a frightful 
aspect, stood before him, and continued to gaze upon 
him with silent severity. 

89. At last Brutus had courage to speak to it : 
" Art thou a daemon, or a mortal man ? and why 
" comest thou to me ?" " Brutus," replied the 
phantom, " I am thy evil genius: thou shalt see me 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 181 

" again at Philippi." " Well then," answered 
Brutus, without being discomposed, " we shall meet 
" again." Upon which the phantom vanished, and 
Brutus calKng to his servants, asked if they had seen 
any thing f to which replying in the negative, be 
again resumed his studies. 

90. But as he was struck with so strange an oc- 
currence, he mentioned it the next day to Cassius, 
who being an Epicurian, ascribed it to the effect of 
an imagination too much exercised by vigilance and 
anxiety. Brutus appeared satisfied with this solu- 
tion of his late terrours ; and as Anthony and Augus- 
tus were now advanced into Macedonia, he and his 
colleague passed over into Thrace, and drew near to 
the city of Philippi, where the forces of the triumviri 
were posted to receive them. 

91. All mankind now began to regard the ap- 
proaching armies w T ith terrour and suspense. The 
empire of the world depended upon the fate of a 
battle ; as from victory on the one side, they had to 
expect freedom ; but from the other, a sovereign with 
absolute command. Brutus was the only man who 
looked upon these great events before him with calm- 
ness and tranquillity. Indifferent as to success, and 
satisfied with having done his duty, he said to one of 
his friends, " If I gain the victory, I shall restore 
" liberty to my country ; if I lose it by dying, I 
" shall be delivered from slavery myself; my condi- 
" tion is fixed, and I run no hazards." 

92. The republican army consisted of fourscore 
thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse. The 
army of the triumviri amounted to an hundred thou- 
sand foot, and thirteen thousand horse. Thus com- 
plete on both sides, they met and encamped near each 
other upon the plains of Philippi, a city upon the 
confines of Thrace. This city was situated upon a 
mountain, towards the west of%hich a plain stretched 
itself, by a gentle declivity, almost fifteen leagues, to 
the banks of the river Strymon, 



182 THE HISTORY OF THE 

93. In this plain, about two miles from the town 
were two little hills at about a mile distance from 
each other, defended on one side by mountains, on 
the other by a marsh which communicated with the 
sea. It was upon these two hills that Brutus and 
Cassius fixed their camps: Brutus on the hill to- 
wards the north, Cassius on that towards the south, 
and in the intermediate space which separated them 
they cast up lines and a parapet from one hill to the 
other. 

94. Thus they kept a firm communication be- 
tween the two camps, which mutually defended each 
other. In this commodious situation they could act 
as they thought proper, and give battle only when it 
was thought to their advantage to engage. Behind 
them was the sea, which furnished them with all kinds 
of provisions, and at twelve miles distance the island 
of Thasos, which served them for a general ma- 
gazine. 

95. The triumviri, on the other hand, were en- 
camped on the plain below, and were obliged to bring 
their provisions from fifteen leagues distance: so that 
their scheme and interest was to bring on a battle as 
soon as they could. This they offend several times, 
drawing out their men from their camp, and pro- 
voking the enemy to engage. On the contrary, 
these contented themselves with drawing up their 
troops at the head of their camps, but without de- 
scending to the plain. 

96. This resolution of postponing the battle was 
all that the republican army had for it ; and Cassius, 
who was aware of his advantage, resolved to harass 
the enemy rather than engage them. But Brutus 
began to suspect the fidelity of some of his officers, 
so that he used all his influence to persuade Cassius 
to change his resolution. " I am impatient/' said he, 
" to put an end to the miseries of mankind, and in 
w that I have hopes of succeeding, whether I fall or 
" conquer," 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 183 

97. His wishes were soon gratified ; for Anthony's 
soldiers having with great labour made a road through 
the marsh which lay to the left of Cassius's camp, 
by that means opened a communication with the 
island of Thasos, which lay behind them. Both ar- 
mies, in attempting to possess themselves of this 
road, resolved at length, to come to a general en- 
gagement. This however Was contrary to the ad- 
vice of Cassius, who declared that he was forced, as 
Pompey had formerly been, to expose the liberty of 
Rome to the hazard of a battle. 

98. The ensuing morning the two generals gave 
the signal for engaging, and conferred together, a 
little while before the battle began. Cassius desired 
to know how Brutus intended to act in case thejr 
were unsuccessful ; to which the other replied, 
" that he had formerly in his writings, condemned 
" the death of Cato, and maintained, that avoiding 
11 calamities by suicide, was an insolent attempt 
" against Heaven that sent them ; but he had now 
" altered his opinions, and having given up his life 
" to his country, he thought he had a right to his 
" own way of ending it; wherefore he was resolved 
" to change a miserable being here, for a better 
" hereafter, if fortune proved against him." 

99. " Well said, my friend," cried Cassius embra- 
cing him, " now we may venture to face the enemy ; 
" for either we shall be conquerors ourselves, or we 
" shall have no cause to fear those that are so." 
Augustus being sick, the forces of the triumviri were 
commanded alone by Anthony, who began the en- 
gagement by a vigorous attack upon the lines of 
Cassius. 

100. Brutus on the other side, made a dreadful 
irruption on the army of Augustus, and drove for- 
ward with so much intrepidity, that he broke them 
upon the very first charge. Upon this he penetrated 
as far as the camp, and cutting in pieces those who 
were left for its defence, his troops immediately be- 



184 THE HISTORY OF THE 

gun to plunder; bat in the mean time the lines of 
Cassius were forced, and his cavalry put to flight. 
Theie was no effort that this unfortunate general did 
not use to make his infantry stand, stopping those 
that fled, and seizing himself the colours to rally them. 

101. But his own valour alone was not sufficient 
to inspire his timorous army ; wherefore, despairing 
of success, he caused himself to be slain by one of 
his freedmen. Brutus was soon informed of the 
defeat of Cassius, and soon after of his death as he 
drew near the camp. He seemed scarce able to re- 
strain the excess of his grief for a man whom he 
called the last of the Romans. 

102. But his first care, when he became the sole 
general, was to assemble the dispersed troops of 
Cassius, and animate them with fresh hopes of v ; c- 
tory. As they had lost all they possessed by the 
plundering of their camp, he promised them two 
thousand denarii each man to make up their losses. 
This once more inspired them with new ardour; 
they admired the liberality of their general, and with 
loud shouts proclaimed his former intrepidity. 

103. Still, however, he had not confidence suffi- 
cient to face the adversary, v o offered him battle 
the ensuing day. His aim was to starve his enemies, 
who were in extreme want of provisions, their fleet 
having been lately defeated. But his single opinion 
was over-ruled by the rest of his army, who now grew 
every day more confident of their strength and more 
arrogant to their new general. 

1C4. He was therefore, at last, after a respite of 
twenty days, obliged to comply with their solicita- 
tions to try the fate of the battle. Both armies being 
drawn out, they remained n. long wh : Ie opposite to 
each other without offering to engage. But it is 
said, that he himself had lost much of his natural 
ardour by having seen a spectre the night preceding 
however he encouraged his men as much as possible 
and gave the signal for another battle. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 185 

105. He had, as usual, the advantage where he 
commanded in person, bearing down the enemy at 
the head of his infantry, and supported by his cavalry, 
making a very great slaughter. But the troops 
which had belonged to Cassius, communicating their 
terrour to the rest of the forces, at last the whole 
army gave way. Brutus surrounded by the most 
valiant of his officers, fought for a long time with 
amazing valour. The son of Cato fell fighting by 
his side, as also the brother of Cassius; so that at 
last he was obliged to yield to necessity, and fled. 

106. In the mean time, the two triumviri, now 
assured of victory, expressly ordered by no means 
to suffer the general to escape for fear he should re- 
new the war. Thus the whole body of the enemy 
seemed chiefly intent on Brutus alone, and his cap- 
ture seemed inevitable. In this deplorable exigence, 
Lucilius, his friend, was resolved by his own death 
to effect his general's delivery. Upon perceiving a 
body of Thracian horse closely pursuing Brutus, and 
just upon the point of taking him, he boldly threw 
himself in their way, telling them that he was Brutus, 

107. The Thracians overjoyed with so great a 
prize immediately despatched some of their compan- 
ions with the news of their success to the army. 
Upon which the ardour of the pursuit now abating, 
Anthony marched out to meet his prisoner, and to 
hasten his death, or insult his misfortunes. He was 
followed by a great number of officers and soldiers, 
some silently deploring the fate of so virtuous a man; 
others reproaching that mean desire of lite for which 
he consented to undergo captivity. 

1 08. Anthony now seeing the Thracians approach, 
began to prepare himself for the interview, but the 
faithful Lucilius, advancing with a cheerful air, 
" It is not Brutus," said he, " that is taken; fortune 
" has not yet had the power of committing so great 
" an outrage upon virtue. As for my life it is well 
* spent in preserving his honour ; take it, for I have 

16* ! 



186 THE HISTORY OF THE 

" deceived you." Anthony, struck with so much 
fidelity, pardoned him upon the spot; and from that 
time forward loaded him with benefits, and honoured 
him with his friendship. 

109. In the mean time Brutus, with a small num- 
ber of friends passed over a rivulet, and night coming 
on, sat down under a rock which concealed him from 
the pursuit of the enemy. After taking breath for a 
little time, and casting his eyes up to heaven, he re- 
peated a line from Euripides, containing a wish to the 
gods, " that guilt should not pass in this life without 
" punishment." To this he added another from the 
same poet, " O Virtue! thou empty name, I have 
" worshipped thee as a real god, but thou art only 
" the slave of fortune." 

110. He then called to mind, with great tender- 
ness, those whom he had seen perish in battle, and 
sent out one Statilius to give him some information 
of those that remained; but he never returned, being 
killed by a party of the enemy's horse. Brutus, 

-judging very rightly of his fate, now resolved to die 
likewise, and spoke to those who stood round him to 
lend him their last sad assistance. 

111. None of them, however, would render him so 
melancholy a service. He therefore called to one 
of his slaves to perform what he so ardently desired ; 
but Strato, his tutor, offered himself, crying out, 
" That it should never be said that Brutus, in his 
" last extremity, stood in need of a slave for want of 
" a friend." Thus saying, and averting his head, 
he presented the sword's point to Brutus, who threw 
himself upon it, and immediately expired. 

112. From the moment of Brutus's death, the tri- 
umviri began to act as sovereigns, and to divide the 
Roman dominions between them, as theirs by right 
of conquest. However though there was apparently 
three who participated all power, yet in fact only 
two were actually possessed of it, since Lepidus was 
at first admitted merely to curb the mutual jealousy 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 167 

of Anthony and Augustus 5 and was possessed neither 
of interest in the army, nor authority among the 
people. Their first care was to punish those whom 
they had formerly marked for vengeance. 

113. Hortensius, Drusus, and Quintilius Varus, 
all men of the first rank in the commonwealth, either 
killed themselves or were slain. A senator and his 
son were ordered to cast lots for their lives, but both 
refused it ; the father voluntarily gave himself up to 
the executioner, and the son stabbed himself before 
his face. Another begged to have the rites of burial 
after his death ; to which Augustus replied " That 
" he should find a grave in the vultures that devour- 
" ed him." 

114. But chiefly the people lamented to seethe 
head of Brutus sent to Rome to be thrown at the foot 
of Caesar's statue. His ashes, however, were sent to 
his wife Portia, Cato's daughter, who following the 
example of her husband and father, killed herself by 
swallowing burning coals. It is observed, that of all 
those who had a hand in the death of Coesar, not one 
died a natural death. 

115. The power of the triumviri being thus esta- 
blished upon the ruin of the commonwealth, they 
now began to think of enjoying that homage to which 
they had aspired. Anthony w r ent into Greece to re- 
ceive the flattery of that refined people, and spent 
some time at Athens, conversing among the philoso- 
phers, and assisting at their disputes in person. 

116. From thence he passed over into Asia, where 
all the monarchs of the East, who acknowledged the 
Roman power, came to pay him their obedience ; 
while the fairest princesses strove to gain his favour 
by the greatness of their presents, or the allurements 
of their beauty. In this manner he proceeded from 
kingdom to kingdom, attended by a crowd of sove- 
reigns, exacting contributions, distributing favours, 
aud giving away crowns with capricious insolence. 

1 17. He presented the kingdom of Cappadocia to 



188 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Sysenes, in prejudice of Ariarathes, only because he 
found pleasure in the beauty of Glaphyra, the mother 
of the former. He settled Herod in the kingdom of 
Judea and supported him against every opposer. 
But among all the sovereigns of the East who shared 
his favours, none had so large a part as Cleopatra, 
the celebrated queen of Egypt. 

118. It happened that Serapion, her governour in 
the island of Cyprus, had formerly furnished some 
succours to the conspirators ; and it was thought 
proper that he should answer for his conduct on that 
occasion. Accordingly having received orders from 
Anthony to come and clear herself of this imputation 
of infidelity, she readily complied, equally conscious 
of the goodness of her cause, and the power of her 
beauty. She was now in her twenty-seventh year, 
and consequently had improved those allurements by 
art, which, in earlier age, are seldom attended to. 

119. Her address and wit were still farther height- 
ened, and though there were some women in Rome 
that were her equals in beauty, none could rival her 
in the charms of seducing conversation. Anthony 
was now in Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, when Cleopatra 
resolved to attend his court in person. She sailed 
to meet him down the river Cydnus, at the mouth of 
which the city stood, with the most sumptuous pa- 
geantry. 

120. Her galley was covered with gold, the sails 
of purple, large and floating in the wind. The oars 
of silver, kept time to the sound of flutes and cymbals. 
She herself lay reclined on a couch spangled with 
stars of gold, and with such ornaments as poets and 
painters h^d usually ascribed to Venus. On each 
side were boys like Cupids, who fanned her by turns ; 
while the most beautiful nymphs, drest like Naiades 
and Graces, were placed at proper distances around 
her. 

121. Upon the banks of the river were kept burn- 
ing the most exquisite perfumes, while an infinite 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 189 

number of people gazed upon the sight with a mix- 
ture of delight and admiration. Anthony was cap- 
tivated with her beauty, and leaving all his business 
to satisfy his passion, shortly after followed her into 
Egypt. There he continued in all that ease and 
softness to which his vicious heart was prone, and 
which that luxurious people were able to supply. 

122. While he remained thus idle in Egypt, Au- 
gustus, who took upon him to lead back the veteran 
troops and settle them in Italy, was assiduously em- 
ployed in providing for their subsistence. He had 
promised them lands at home as a recompense for 
their past services ; but they could not receive their 
new grants without turning out the former inhabi- 
tants. In consequence of this, multitudes of women 
with children in their arms, whose tender years and 
innocence excited universal compassion, daily filled 
the temples and the streets with their distresses. 

123. Numbers of husbandmen and shepherds came 
to deprecate the conqueror's intention, or to obtain 
an habitation in Some other part of the world. 
Among this number was Virgil, the poet, to whom 
mankind owe more obligations than to a thousand 
conquerors, who in a humble manner begged permis- 
sion to retain his patrimonial farm. Virgil obtained 
his request, but the rest of his countrymen of Mantua 
and Cremonia were turned out without mercy. 

124. Italy and Rome now felt the most extreme 
miseries ; the insolent soldiers plundered at will, 
while Sextus Pompey being master of the sea, cut 
off all foreign communication, and prevented the 
people's receiving their usual supplies of corn. To 
these mischiefs were added the commencement of 
another civil war. Fulvia, the wife of Anthony, who 
had been left behind him at Rome, had felt for some 
time all the rage of jealousy, and resolved to try 
every method of bringing back her husband from 
the arms of Cleopatra. She considered a breach 
with Augustus as the only probable means of rousing 



190 THE HISTORY OF THE 

him from his lethargy; and accordingly, with the 
assistance of Lucius, her brother-in-law, who was 
then consul, and entirely devoted to her interest, she 
began to sow the seeds of dissention. 

125. The pretext was, that Anthony should have 
a share in the distribution of lands as well as Augus- 
tus. This produced negotiations between them, and 
Augustus offered to make the veterans themselves 
umpires in the dispute. Lucius refused to acqui- 
esce ; and being at the head of more than six legioiis, 
mostly composed of such as were dispossessed, he re- 
solved to compel Augustus to accept of whatsoever 
terms he should offer. 

126. Thus a new war was excited between Augus- 
tus and Anthony, or at least the generals of the latter 
assumed the sanction of his name. Augustus how- 
ever, was victorious : Lucius w T as hemmed in between 
two armies, and constrained to retreat to Perusia, a 
city of Etruria, where he was closely besieged by the 
opposite party. He made many desperate sallies, 
and Fulvia did all in her power to relieve him, but 
without success. He was at last, therefore, reduced 
to such extremity by famine, that he came out in per- 
son and delivered himself up to the mercy of the 
conqueror. Augustus received him very honourably, 
and generously pardoned him and all his followers. 

127. Anthony having heard of his brother's over- 
throw, and his wife's being compelled to leave Italy, 
was resolved to oppose Augustus without delay. He 
accordingly sailed, at the head of a considerable fleet 
from Alexandria to Tyre, and from thence to Cyprus 
and Rhodes, and had an interview with Fulvia, his 
wife, at Athens. He much blamed her for occasioning 
the late disorders, testified the utmost contempt for 
her person, and leaving her upon her death bed at 
Sycion, hastened into Italy to fight Augustus. 

128. They both met at Brundusium, and it was 
now thought that the flames of a civil war were going 
to blaze out once more. The forces of Anthony were 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 191 

numerous, but mostly new raised ; however, he was 
assisted by Sextus Pompeius, who, in these opposi- 
tions of interest, was daily coming into power. Au- 
gustus was at the head of those veterans who had 
always been irresistible, but who seemed no way 
disposed to fight against Anthony, their former ge- 
neral. A negotiation was therefore proposed, and by 
the activity of Cocceius, a friend to both, a reconci- 
liation was effected. 

129. All offences and affronts were mutually for- 
given ; and to cement the union, a marriage was 
concluded between Anthony and Octavia, the sister 
of Augustus. A new division of the Roman empire 
was made between them ; Augustus was to have the 
command of the West, Anthony of the East, while 
Lepidus was obliged to content himself with the 
provinces in Africa. 

130. As for Sextus Pompeius, he was permitted 
to retain all the islands he had already possessed, to- 
gether with Peloponnesus : he was also granted the 
privilege of demanding the consulship in his absence; 
and of discharging that office by any of his friends. 
It was likewise stipulated to leave the sea open, and 
pay the people what corn was due out of Sicily. — 
Thus a general peace was concluded, to the great 
satisfaction of the people, who expected a cessation 
from all their calamities. 

131. This calm seemed to continue for some time ; 
Anthony led his forces against the Parthians, over 
whom his lieutenant, Ventidius, had gained some ad- 
vantages. Augustus drew the greatest part of his 
army into Gaul, where there were some disturbances; 
and Pompey went to secure his newly ceded province 
to his interest. It was on this quarter that fresh mo- 
tives were given for renewing the war. 

132. Anthony, who was obliged by treaty to quit 
Peloponnesus, refused to evacuate it till Pompey had 
satisfied him for such debts as were due to him from 
the inhabitants. This Pompey would by no means 



192 THE HISTORY OF THE 

comply with, but immediately fitted out a new fleet, 
and renewed his former enterprises, by cutting 
off such corn and provisions as were consigned to 
Italy. Thus the grievances of the poor were again 
renewed, and the people began to complain, that, 
instead of three tyrants, they were now oppressed by 
four. 

133. In this exigence, Augustus, who had long 
meditated the best means of diminishing the number, 
resolved to begin by getting rid of Pompey, who kept 
the state in continual alarm. He was master of two 
fleets ; one of which he had caused to be built at Ra- 
venna, and another which Menodorus, who revolted 
from Pompey, brought to his aid. His first attempt 
was to invade Sicily ; but being overpowered in his 
passage by Pompey, and afterwards shattered in a 
storm, he was obliged to defer his designs to the 
ensuing year. 

134. During this interval, he was reinforced by a 
noble fleet of one hundred and twenty ships, given 
him by Anthony, with which he resolved once more to 
invade Sicily on three several quarters. But fortune 
seemed still determined to oppose him. He was a 
second time disabled and shattered by a storm, which 
so raised the vanity of Pompey, that he began to 
style himself the son of Neptune. 

135. However, Augustus was not to be intimida- 
ted by any disgraces ; for, having shortly refitted his 
navy, and recruited his forces, he gave the command 
of both to Agrippa, his faithful friend and associate in 
war. Agrippa proved himself worthy of the trust 
reposed in him ; he began his operations by a vic- 
tory over Pompey ; and though he was shortly afte^ 
worsted himself, he soon after gave his adversary a 
complete and final overthrow. 

136. Thus uadone, Pompey resolved to fly to 
Anthony, from whom he expected refuge, as he had 
formerly obliged that triumvir, by giving protection 
to his mother. However, a gleam of hope offerings 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 193 

he tried once more, at the head of a small body ol 
men, to make himself independent ; and even surpri- 
sed Anthony's lieutenants, who had been sent to ac- 
cept of his submission. Nevertheless, he was at last 
abandoned by his soldiers, and delivered up to Titus, 
Anthony's lieutenant, who shortly after caused him 
to be slain. 

137. The death of this general removed one very 
powerful obstacle to the ambition of Augustus, and 
he resolved to take the earliest opportunity to get rid 
of the rest of his associates. 

1 38. An offence, soon after this, was furnished by 
Lepidus, that served as a sufficient pretext to Augus- 
tus, for depriving him of his share in the triumvirate. 
Being at the head of twenty-two legions, with a 
strong body of cavalry, he idly supposed that his 
present power was more than an equivalent to the 
popularity of Augustus. He therefore resolved upon 
adding Sicily, where he then was, to his province, 
pretending a right, as having first invaded it. 

139. Augustus sent to expostulate upon these pro- 
ceedings, but Lepidus fiercely replied, " That he was 
determined to have his share in the administration, 
and w T ould no longer submit to let one alone possess 
all the authority." Augustus was previously informed 
of the disposition of Lepidus's soldiers ; for he had 
by his secret intrigues and largesses, entirely attach- 
ed them to himself. 

140. Wherefore, without further delay, he, with 
great boldness, went alone to the camp of Lepidus, 
and with no other assistance than his private boun- 
ties, and the authority he had gained by his former 
victories, deposed his rival. Lepidus was deprived 
of all his former authority, and banished to Circaeum., 
where he continued the rest of his life, despised by 
his friends, and to all a melancholy object of blasted 
ambition. 

141. There remained now but one obstacle to his 
ambition, which was Anthony, whom he resolved to 

17 I 



194 THE HISTORY OF THE 

remove, and for that purpose began to render his 
character as contemptible as he possibly could at 
Rome. In fact, Anthony's conduct did not a little 
contribute to promote the endeavour of his ambitious 
partner. He had marched against the Parthians 
with a prodigious army, but was forced to return 
with the loss of the fourth part of his forces, and all 
his baggage. 

142. However, Anthony seemed quite regardless 
of contempt : alive only to pleasure, and totally dis- 
regarding the business of the state, he spent whole 
days and nights in the company of Cleopatra, who 
studied every art to increase his passion, and vary 
his entertainments. Few women have been so much 
celebrated for the art of giving novelty to plea- 
sure, and making trifles important ; still ingenious 
in filling up the languid pauses of sensual delight 
with some new stroke of refinement, she was at 
one time a queen, then a bacchanal, and sometimes an 
huntress. 

143. She invented a society called the Inimitable; 
and those of the court who made the most sumptuous 
entertainments carried away the prize. Not content- 
ed with sharing in her company all the delights which 
Egypt could afford, Anthony was resolved to enlarge 
his sphere of luxury, by granting her many of those 
kingdoms which belonged to the Roman empire. 
He gave her all Phoenicia, Celo, Syria* and Cyprus, 
with a great part of Cilicia, Arabia, and Judea, gifts 
which he had no right to bestow, but which he pre- 
tended to grant in imitation of Hercules. 

144. This complication of vice and folly at last 
totally exasperated the Romans ; and Augustus, wil- 
ling to take the advantage of their resentment, took 
care to exaggerate all his defects. At length, when 
he found the people sufficiently irritated against him, 
he resolved to send Octavia, who was then at Rome, 
to Anthony, as if with a view of reclaiming her hus- 
band ; but, in fact, to furnish a sufficient pretext of 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 195 

declaring war against him, as he knew she would be 
dismissed with contempt. 

145. Anthony was now at the city of Leucopolis 
revelling, with his insidious paramour, when he heard 
that Octavia was at Athens upon her journey to visit 
him. This was very unwelcome news as well to him 
as Cleopatra, who, fearing the charms of her rival, 
endeavoured to convince Anthony of her passion by 
her sighs, languishing looks, and well feigned me- 
lancholy. He frequently caught her in tears, which 
she seemed as if willing to hide, and often entreated 
her to tell him the cause, which she seemed willing 
to suppress. 

146. These artifices, together with the ceaseless 
flattery and importunity of her creatures, prevailed 
so much upon Anthony's weakness, that he com- 
manded Octavia to return home without seeing her ; 
and still more to exasperate the people of Rome, he 
resolved to repudiate her, and take Cleopatra as his 
wife. He accordingly assembled the people of Alex- 
andria in the public theatre, where was raised an 
alcove of silver, under which were placed two thrones 
of gold, one for himself, and the other for Cleopatra. 

147. There he seated himself drest like Bacchus, 
while Cleopatra sat beside him clothed in the orna- 
ments and attributes of Isis, the principal deity of 
the Egyptians. On that occasion he declared her 
queen of all the countries which he had already be- 
stowed upon her; while he associated Csesario, her 
son by Caesar, as her partner in the government. 
To the two children which he had by her himself, he 
gave the title of king of kings, with very extensive 
dominions : and to crown his absurdities, he next 
sent a minute account of his proceedings to the two 
consuls at Rome. 

148. In the mean time, Augustus had now a suf- 
ficient pretext for declaring war, and informed the 
senate of his intentions. However, he deferred the 
execution of his design for a while, being then em 



196 THE HISTORY OF THE 

ployed in quelling an insurrection of the Illyrians, 
The following year was chiefly taken up in prepara- 
tions against Anthony, who perceiving his design, 
remonstrated to the senate that he had many causes 
of complaint against his colleague, who had seized 
upon Sicily without affording him a share : alledging 
that he had also dispossessed Lepidns, and kept to 
himself the province he had commanded: an=l dial he 
had divided all Italy among his own soldier. * ire 
nothing to recompense those in Asia. 

149. To this complaint Augustus was content 
to make a sarcastic answer, implying that it was ab 
surd to complain of his distribution of a few trifling 
districts in Italy, when Anthony having conquered 
Parthia, he might now reward his soldiers with cities 
and provinces. This sarcasm provoked him to sen£ 
his army without intermission into Europe to mec 
Augustus while he and Cleopatra followed to Samoe 
in order to prepare for carrying on the war wiU 
vigour. 

150. When arrived there it was ridiculous enough 
to behold the odd mixture of preparations for plea- 
sure and for wan On one side, all the kings an J 
princes from Egypt to the Euxine sea had orders to 
send him supplies both of men, provisions and arms: 
on the other s'de, all the comedians, dancers, buf- 
foons, and musicians of Greece, were ordered to 
tend him. 

151. This delay at Samos, and afterwards fti 
Athens 5 where he carried Cleopatra to re ceive new 
honours, was extremely favourable to the arms of 
Augustus, who was at first scarcely in a disposition 
to oppose him had he gone into Italy ; bu he soon 
found time to put himself in a condition for carrying 
on the war, and shortly after declared it against him 
in form. At length both sides found themselves in 
readiness to begin the war, and their a rmies were 
answerable to the empire they contended for. 

152L The one was followed by all the forces cf 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 1ST 

the East; the other drew all the strength of the West 
to support its pretensions. Anthony's forces com- 
posed a body of an hundred thousand foot and twelve 
thousand horse, while his fleet amounted to five hun- 
dred ships of war. The army of Augustus mustered 
but eighty thousand foot, but equalled his adversary 
in the number of cavalry: his fleet was but half as 
numerous as Anthony's; however, his ships were bet- 
ter built, and manned with better soldiers. 

153. The great decisive engagement, which was a 
naval one, was fought near Actium, a city of Epirus, 
at the entrance of the gulph of Ambracia. Anthony 
ranged his ships before the mouth of the gulph, and 
Augustus drew up his fleet in opposition. Neither 
general assumed any fixed station to command in, 
but went about from ship to ship, wherever his pre- 
sence was necessary. 

154. In the mean time, the two land armies, on 
opposite sides of the gulph 3 were drawn up, only as 
spectators of the engagement, and encouraged the 
fleets by their shouts to engage. The battle began 
on both sides with great ardour; and after a manner 
not practised on former occasions. The prows cf 
their vessels were armed with brazen points, and 
with these they drove furiously against each other. 

155* They fought for some time with great fury ; 
nor was there any advantage on either side, except 
a small appearance of disorder in the centre of An- 
thony's fleet. But all of a sudden Cleopatra deter- 
mined the fortune of the day. She was seen flying 
from the engagement, attended by sixty sail, struck 
perhaps, with the terrours natural to her sex ; but what 
increased the general amazement was, to behold An- 
thony himself following soon after, leaving his fleet 
at the mercy of the conquerors ; and the army at land 
soon followed their example. 

156. When Cleopatra fled, Anthony pursued her 
in a five oared galley, and coming along side of her 
ship, entered it without seeing or being seen bv her, 
27* 



198 THE HISTORY CF THE 

She was in the stern, and be went to the prow, where 
he remained for some time silent holding his head 
between his hands. In this manner he continued 
three whole days, daring which, either through in- 
dignation or shame, he neither saw nor spoke to 
Cleopatra. — At last, when they were arrived at the 
promontory of Tenarus, the queen's female atten- 
dants reconciled them, and every thing went on as 
before. 

157. Still, however, he had the consolation to sup- 
pose his army continued faithful to him and accor- 
dingly dispatched orders to his lieutenant Canadius 
to conduct it into Asia. However, he w T as soon un- 
deceived when he arrived in Africa, where he was 
informed of their submission to his rival.* This ac- 
count so transported him with rage, that he was 
hardly prevented from killing himself; but at length, 
at the entreaty of his friends, he returned to Alex- 
andria. 

158. Cleopatra, however, seemed to retain that 
fortitude in her misfortunes which had utterly aban- 
doned her admirer. Having amassed considerable 
riches, by means of confiscation, and other acts of 
violence, she formed a very singular and unheard of 
project : this was to convey her whole fleet over the 
isthmus of Suez into the Red Sea, and thereby save 
herself in another region, beyond the reach of Rome, 
with all her treasures. 

159. Some of her vessels were actually transported 
thither, pursuant to her orders ; but the Arabians 
having burnt them, and Anthony dissuH ; ng her 
from the design, she abandoned it for ft more A pro- 
bable scheme of defending Egypt against the con- 
queror. She omitted nothing in her power to put 
this advice in practice, and made all kinds of pre- 
parations for war, at least hoping thereby to obtain 
better terms from Augustus. 

160. In fact she always had loved Anthony's for- 
tunes rather than his person j and if she could have 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 199 

fallen upon any method of saving herself, though 
even ac his expense, there is no doubt but she would 
have embraced it with gladness. She even still hnd 
some hopes from the power of her charms, though 
she was arrived almost at the age of forty, and was 
desirous of trying upon Augustus those arts which 
had been so successful with the greatest men of 
Rome. 

161. Thus in three embassies, which were sent 
one after another from Anthony to Augustus in Asia, 
the queen had always her secret agents charged with 
particular proposals in her name. Anthony desired 
no more than that his life might be spared, and to 
have the liberty of passing the remainder of his days 
in obscurity. To those proposals Augustus made 
no reply. Cleopatra sent him also public proposals 
in favour of her children ; but at the same time pri- 
vately resigned him her crown, with all the ensigns 
of royalty. 

162. To the queen's public proposals no answer 
was given : to her private offer he replied, by giving 
her assurances of his favour in case she sent away 
Anthony, or put him to death. These negotiations 
were not so private but they came to the knowlege 
of Anthony, whose jealousy and rage every occur- 
rence now contributed to heighten. He built a small 
solitary house upon a mole in the sea, and there shut 
himself up, a prey to all those passions that are the 
tormentors of unsuccessful tyranny. There he pass- 
ed his time, shunning all commerce with mankind, 
and professing to imitate Timon, the man-hater. 

163. However, his furious jealousy drove him 
even from his retreat into society; for, hearing that 
Cleopatra had many secret conferences with one 
Thyrsus, an emissary from Augustus, he seized upon 
him, and having ordered him to be cruelly scourged, 
he sent him back to his patron. At the same time 
he sent letters by him, importing that he had chastis- 
ed Thyrsus, for insulting a man in misfortune; but 



266 THE HISTORY OF Th£ 

withal he gave Augustus permission to avenge him- 
self, by scourging Hiparchus, Anthony's freedman, 
in the same manner. The revenge in this case would 
have been highly pleasing to Anthony, as Hiparchus 
had left him to join the fortunes of his more successful 
rival. 

164. Meanwhile, the operations of the war were 
carried vigorously forward, and Egypt soon after 
became again the theatre of the contending armies 
of Rome. Gallus, the lieutenant of Augustus, took 
Paretonium, which opened the whole country, to his 
incursions. On the other side, Anthony, who had 
still considerable forces by sea and land, wanted to 
take that important place from the enemy. 

165. He therefore marched towards it, flattering 
himself, that as soon as he should show himself to 
the legions which he had once commanded, the affec- 
tion for their ancient general would revive. He ap- 
proached therefore, and exhorted them to remember 
their former vows of fidelity. Gallus, however, or- 
dered all the trumpets to sound, in order to hinder 
Anthony from being heard, so that he was obliged 
to retire. 

166. Augustus himself was in the mean time ad- 
vancing with another army before Pelusium, which 
by its strong situation, might have retarded his pro- 
gress for some time. But the governor of the city, 
either wanting courage to defend it, or previously 
instructed by Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him 
to take possession of the place ; so that Augustus had 
now no obstacle in his way to Alexandria, whither 
he marched with all expedition. 

167. Anthony, upon his arrival, sallied out to op- 
pose him, fighting with great desperation, and put- 
ting the enemy's cavalry to flight. This slight ad- 
vantage once more revived his declining hopes ; and 
being naturally vain, he re-entered Alexandria in 
triumph. Then going, all armed as he was, to the 
palace, he embraced Cleopatra, and presented her a 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 201 

soldier who had distinguished himself in the late en- 
gagement. 

168. The queen rewarded him very magnificently, 
presenting him with an head piece and breast plate 
of gold. With these, however, the soldier went off 
the next night to the other army, prudently resolving 
to secure his riches by keeping on the strongest side. 
Anthony could not bear this defection, without fresh 
indignation; he resolved therefore to make a bold 
expiring effort by sea and land, but previously offered 
to fight his adversary in single combat. Augustus 
too well knew the inequality of their situations to 
comply w r ith this forlorn offer; he only therefore 
coolly replied, that Anthony had ways enough to die 
besides by single combat. 

169. The day after, he posted the few troops he 
had remaining upon a rising ground near the city, 
from whence he sent orders to his gallies to engage 
the enemy. There he waited to be a spectator of the 
combat; and at first he had the satisfaction to see 
them advance in good order : but his approbation 
was soon turned into rage, when he saw his ships 
only saluting those of Augustus, and both fleets uni- 
ting together and sailing back into the harbours. 

170. At the. same time his cavalry deserted him. 
He tried, however, to lead on his infantry, which 
were easily vanquished, and he himself compelled to 
return into the town. His anger was now ungo- 
vernable. He could not help crying out aloud as he 
passed, that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, and de- 
livered bv her to those who for her sake alone were 
his enemies. In these suspicions he was not de- 
ceived; for it was by secret orders from the queen 
that the fleet had passed over to the enemy. 

171. Cleopatra had, for a long w r hile, dreaded the 
effects of Anthony's jealousy, and had some time be- 
fore prepared a method of obviating any sudden 
sallies it might produce. Near the temple of Isis 
she had erected a building, which was seemingly 

I 2 



.202 THE HISTORY OF THE 

designed for a sepulchre. Hither she removed ail 
her treasures and most valuable effects, covering 
them over with torches, faggots, and other combusti- 
ble matter. This sepulchre she designed to answer 
a double purpose, as well to screen her from the sud- 
den resentments of Anthony, as to make Augustus 
believe that she would burn all her treasures, in case 
he refused her proper terms of capitulation. 

172. Here therefore she retired from Anthony's 
present fury, shutting the gates, which were fortified 
with bolts and bars of iron ; but in the mean time 
gave orders that a report should be spread of her 
death, which news soon reached Anthony, and re- 
called all his former love and tenderness. This poor 
wretch was now a being, subject to the gust of every 
passion, and each of them in extreme. 

173. He now lamented her death with the same 
violence he had but a few minutes before seemed to 
desire it. — " Wretched man," cried he to himself: 
" what is there now worth living for, since all thaf 
" could soothe or soften my cares is departed ? O 
" Cleopatra," continued he, being got to his chamber, 
" our separation does not so much afflict me, as the 
" disgrace I suffer in permitting a woman to instruct 
" me in the ways of dying." He called one of his 
freedmen, named Eros, whom he had engaged by 
oath to kill him, whenever fortune should drive him 
to this last resource. 

174. Eros being commanded to perform his pro- 
mise, this faithful follower drew the sword as if going 
to execute his orders ; but turning his face, plunged 
it into his own bosom, and died at his master's feet. 
Anthony for a while hung over his faithful servant, 
and commending his fidelity, took up the sword, 
with which, stabbing himself in the belly, he fell 
backward upon a little couch. 

175. Though the wound was mortal, yet the 
blood stopping, he recovered his spirits, and earnestly 
conjured those who were come into the room t© put 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 205 

an end to his life ; but they a]] fled, being seized with 
fright and horror. He therefore continued in this 
manner for some time, still crying out and writhing 
with pain, till he w r as informed by one of the queen's 
secretaries that his mistress was still alive. He then 
earnestly desired to be carried to the place where she 
was. 

176. They accordingly brought him to the gate 
of the sepulchre; but Cleopa + ra, who would not per- 
mit it to be opened, appeared at the window, and 
threw down cords, with which, wdth some difficulty, 
they pulled him up. They gently laid him on a 
couch, where she gave way to her sorrow, tearing 
her clothes, beating her breast, and kissing the 
wound of which he was dying. Anthony entreated 
her to moderate the transports of her grief, asked 
for wine, and exhorting her not to lament for his 
misfortunes, but to congratulate him upon his former 
felicity, to consider him as one who had lived the 
most powerful of men, and at last died by the ha^d 
of a Roman. 

177. Just as he had done speaking he expired, 
and Proculus made his appearance by command of 
Augustus, who had been informed of Anthony's des- 
perate conduct. He was sent to try all means of 
getting Cleopatra into his power. Augustus having 
a double motive for his solicitude on this occasion : 
one, to prevent her destroying the treasures she had 
taken with her into the tomb : the other, t<* preserve 
her person as an ornament to grace his triumph. 

178. Cleopatra, however, was upon her guard, 
and would no* confer with Proculus except through 
the gate, which was very well secured. In the mean 
time, Gallus, one of Augustus's soldiers entered with 
two more by the window at which Anthony had been 
drawn up ; upon which Cleopatra, perceiving what 
happened, drew a poniard, and a.&mpted to stab 
herself, but was prevented. 

179. Augustus was extremely pleased at finding 



204 THE HISTORY OF THE 

her in his power: he sent Epaphroditus to bring her 
to his pulace, and to watch her with the utmost cir- 
cumspection. He was likewise ordered to use her in 
every respect with that deference and submission 
which were due to her rank, and to do every thing 
in his power to render her captivity agreeable. 

180. She was permitted to have the honour of 
granting Anthony the rites of burial, and furnished 
with every thing she desired that was becoming his 
dignity to receive, or her love to offer. Yet still she 
languished under her new confinement : her excessive 
sorrow, her many losses, and the blows she had 
given her bosom, produced a fever, which she seem- 
ed willing to increase. She resolved to abstain from 
taking any nourishment, under the pretence of a re- 
gimen necessary for her disorder; but Augustus, 
being made acquainted with the real motive by her 
physician, began to threaten her with regard to her 
children in case she presisted. 

181. In the mean time, Augustus made his entry 
into Alexandria, taking care to mitigate the fears of 
the inhabitants, by conversing familiarly as he went 
along, with A reus, a philosopher, and a native of die 
place. The citizens, however, trembled at his ap- 
proach; and when he placed himself upon the tribu- 
nal, they prostrated themselves with their faces to 
the ground before him, like criminals who waited 
the sentence of their execution. 

] 82. Augustus presently ordered them to rise, 
telling them tl three motives induced him to pardon 
them. His rt ?ct for Alexander, who was the 
founder of theh ity; his admiration of its beauty; 
and his friendsh,^ for Areus, their fellow-citizen. 
Two only of particular note were put to death upon 
this occasion : Anthony's eldest son Antyllus, and 
Caesario, the son of Julius C£esar, both betrayed 
into his hands by their respective tutors, who them- 
selves suffered for their perfidy shortly after. 

183. As for the rest of Cleopatra's children, he 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 205 

treated them with great gentleness, leaving them to 
the care of those who were entrusted with their edu- 
cation, who had orders to provide them with every 
thing suitable to their birth. As for her, when she 
was recovered from her late indisposition, he came 
to visit her in person ; she received him lying on a 
couch in a careless manner ; and, upon his entering 
the apartment, rose up to prostrate herself before him. 
She was drest in nothing but a loose robe. 

184. Her misfortunes had given an air of severity 
to her features, her hair was dishevelled, her voice 
trembling, her complexion pale, and her eyes red 
with weeping; yet still her natural beauty seemed 
to gleam through the distresses that surrounded her ; 
and the graces of her motion, and the alluring soft- 
ness of her looks, still bore testimony to the former 
power of her charms. Augustus raised her with his 
usual complaisance, and desiring her to sit, placed 
himself beside her. 

185. Cleopatra had been prepared for this inter- 
view, and made use of every method she could think 
of to propitiate the conqueror. She tried apologies, 
entreaties, and allurements, to obtain his favour, and 
soften his resentment. She began by attempting to 
justify her conduct ; but when her art and skill failed 
against manifest proofs, she turned her defence into 
supplications.—- -She talked of Caesar's humanity to 
those in distress; she read some of his letters to her, 
full of tenderness, and enlarged upon the long inti- 
macy that had passed between them. M But of what 
" service," cried she, " are now all his benefits to 
" me ! Why could 1 not die with him ! Yet he still 
" lives ; methinks I see him still before me ; he re- 
" vives in 3 r ou." 

18G. Augustus was no s' ranger to this method of 
address ; but he remained firm against all attacks, 
answering always with a cold indifference, which 
obliged her to give her attempts a different turn. 
She now addressed his avarice, presenting him with 



206 THE HISTORY OF THE 

an inventory of her treasures and jewels. Tins gave 
occasion to a very singular scene, which shows thai 
the little decorums of breeding were then by no 
means so carefully attended to as at present. 

187. One of her stewards having alledged thai 
the inventory was defective, and that she had secreted 
part of her effects, she fell into a violent passion, 
started from her couch, and catching him by the 
hair, gave him several blows on the face. Augustus 
smiled at her indignation ; and lead : ng her to the 
couch, desired her to be pacified. To this she re- 
plied, that she could not bear being insulted in the 
presence of one whom she so highly esteemed. 

188. " And supposing," cried she, " that I have 
" secreted a few trifles, am I to blame when they 
H are reserved, not for myself, but for Livia and 
" Octavia, w 7 hom I hope to make my intercessors 
" with you ?" This excuse, which intimated a de- 
sire of living, was not disagreeable to Augustus, who 
politely assured her that she was at liberty to keep 
whatever she had reserved, and that in every thing 
she should be indulged to the height of her expec- 
tations. 

189. He then took leave and departed, imagining 
he had reconciled her to life, and to the indignity of 
being shown in the intended triumph which he was 
preparing for his return to Rome : but in this he was 
deceived. Cleopatra all this time had kept a cor- 
respondence with Dolabella, a young Roman of 
high birth in the camp of Augustus, who, perhaps 
frcm compassion or stronger motives, was interested 
in her misfortunes : by him she was secretly informed 
that Augustus determined to send her off in three 
days, togethei w ith her children to Rome, to grace 
his triumphant entry. 

190. She now therefore determined upon dying $ 
she now threw herself upon Anthony's coffin, be- 
wailed her captivity, and renewed her protestations 
not to survive him. Having bathed, and ordered a 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 207 

sumptuous banquet, she att ; - herself in the most 
splendid manner. She t 1 feasted, as usual, and 
soon after ordered all but her two attendants, Char- 
mion and Iras, to leave the room. 

191. Then having previously ordered an asp to 
be secretly conveyed to her in a basket of fruit, she 
sent a letter to Augustus, informing him of her fatal 
purpose, and desiring to be buried in the same tomb 
with Anthony. Augustus, upon receiving the letter, 
instantly dispatched messengers to stop her intentions, 
but they arrived too late. Upon entering the cham- 
ber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead upon a gilded 
couch arrayed in her royal robes. 

1 92. Near her, Iras, one of her faithful attendants, 
was stretched lifeless at the feet of her mistress ; and 
Charmion herself, almost expiring, was settling the 
diadem upon Cleopatra's head. " Alas !" cried one 
of the messengers, " was this well done, Charmion?" 
" Yes," replied she, " it is well done ; such a death 
" becomes a glorious queen, descended from a race 
of noble ancestors." On pronouncing these words 
she fell down and died with her much loved mistress. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

From the beginning of the reign of Augustus, to the 
death of Domitian, the last of the twelve Ccesars. 

1. BY the death of Anthony, Augustus was new 
become master of the Roman empire. He soon 
after returned to Rome in triumph, where, by sump- 
tuous feasts and magnificent shows, he began to ob- 
literate the impressions of his former cruelty, ard 
from thence forward resolved to secure, by his cle- 
mency, a throne, the foundations of which were laid 
in blood. He was now at the head of the most ex- 
tensive empire, that mankind had ever concurred in 
obeying. The fonder spirit of the Romans, and 



208 THE HISTORY OF THE 

those characteristic marks that distinguished them 
from others, were totally lost. 

2. The city was now inhabited by a concourse 
from all the countries of the world, and being con- 
sequently divested of all just patriotic principles, 
perhaps a monarchy was the best form of government 
that could be found to unite its members. However, 
it was very remarkable, that during these long con- 
tentions among themselves, and these horrid devas- 
tations by crvil war, the state was daily growing 
more formidable and powerful, and completed the 
destruction of all the kings who presumed to op- 
pose it. 

3. His first care was to assure himself of the friends 
of Anthony; to which end he publicly reported that 
he had burnt all Anthony's letters and papers with- 
out reading; convinced that, while any thought 
themselves suspected, they would be fearful of even 
offering him their friendship. 

4. As he had gained the kingdom by his army, 
so also he resolved to govern it by the senate. This 
body, though greatly fallen from their ancient splen- 
dour, he knew to be the best ordered and most capa- 
ble of wisdom and justice. To these, therefore, he 
gave the chief power in the administration of his 
government, while he still kept the people and the 
army stedfast to him, by donatives and acts of fa- 
vour. By these means, all the odium of justice fell 
upon the senate, and all the popularity of pardon was 
solely his own. 

5. Thus restoring to the senate their ancient 
splendour, and discountenancing all corruption, he 
pretended to reserve to himself a very moderate 
sbare of authority, namely, an absolute power to 
compel all ranks of the state to their duty. This in 
fact was reserving absolute dominion in his own 
hands ; but the misguided people began to look upon 
his moderation with astonishment ; they considered 
themselves as restored to their former freedom, ex- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 209 

cept in the capacity of promoting sedition ; and the 
senate supposed their power re-established in all 
things but their tendency to injustice. 

6. It was even said that the Romans, by such a 
government, lost nothing of the happiness that liberty 
could produce, and were exempt from all the misfor- 
tunes it could occasion. This observation might 
have some truth under such a monarch as Augustus 
now seemed to be; but they were taught to change 
their sentiments under his successors, when they found 
themselves afflicted with all the punishment that ty- 
ranny could inflict, or sedition make necessary. 

7. After having established this admirable order, 
Augustus found himself agitated by different inclina- 
tions ; and considered a long time, whether he should 
Keep the empire, or restore the people to their ancient 
liberty. But he adopted the advice of Maecenas, who 
desired him to continue in power, and was afterwards 
swayed by him, not only in this instance, but on 
every other occasion. By the instructions of that 
minister, he became gentle, affable, and humane. By 
his advice it was, that he encouraged men of learn- 
ing, and gave them much of his time and his friend- 
ship. They, in their turn, relieved his most anxious 
hours, and circulated his praise through the empire. 

8. Thus, having given peace and happiness to the 
empire, and being convinced of the attachment of all 
the orders of the state to his person, he resolved 
upon impressing the people with an idea of his mag- 
panimity also. This was nothing less than making 
a show of resigning his authority ; wherefore, having 
previously instructed his creatures in the senate how 
to act, he addressed them in a studied speech, import- 
ing the difficulty of governing so extensive an em- 
pire ; a task which, he said, none but the immortal 
gods were equal to. — 

9. He modestly urged his own inability, though 
impelled by every motive to undertake it ; and then, 
with a degree of seeming generosity, freely gave up 

13* 



210 THE HISTORY OF THE 

all that power, which, as he observed, his arms had 
gained, and the senate had confirmed. This power 
he repeatedly offered to restore, giving them to un- 
derstand that the true spirit of the Romans was not 
lost in him. This speech operated upon the senate 
variously, as they were more or less in the secret ; 
many believed the sincerity of his professions, and 
therefore regarded his conduct as an act of unequal- 
led heroism by any thing that had hitherto appeared 
in Rome $ others, equally ignorant of his motives, 
distrusted his designs. 

10. Some there were, who, having greatly suffered 
during the late popular commotions, w r ere fearful of 
having them renewed ; but the majority, who were 
entirely devoted to his interests, and instructed by his 
ministers, frequently attempted to interrupt him while 
speaking, and received his proposal with pretended 
indignation. These unanimously besought him not 
to resign the administration ; but upon his continuing 
to decline their request, they, in a manner, compelled 
him to comply. However, that his person might be 
in greater security, they immediately decreed the pay 
cf his guard to be doubled. 

11. On the other hand, that he might seem to 
make some concessions on his side, they permitted 
the senate to govern the weak internal provinces 
of the empire, while the most powerful provinces, 
and those that required the greatest armies for their 
defence, were taken entirely under his own command. 
Over these he assumed the government but for ten 
years, leaving the people still in hopes of regaining 
their ancient freedom, but at the same time, laying 
his measures so well, that his government was re- 
newed every ten years till his death. 

12. This show of a resignation only served to 
confirm him in the empire and the hearts of the peo- 
ple. New honours were heaped upon him. He was 
then first called Augustus, a name that I have hith- 
erto used, as that by which he is best known in his- 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 21 1 

tory. A laurel was ordered to be planted at his gates. 
His house was called the palace, to distinguish it from 
that of ordinary citizens. He was confirmed in the 
title of father of his country, and his person declared 
sacred and inviolable. In short, flattery seemed on 
the rack, to find out new modes of pleasing him ; but, 
though he despised the arts of the senate, he permit- 
ted their homage, wellknowiag, that among mankind^ 
titles produce a respect which enforces authority. 

13. Upon entering into his tenth consulship, the 
senate, by oath, approved of all his acts, and set him 
wholly above the power of the laws. They some time 
after, offered to swear, not only to all the laws he 
had made, but such as he should make for the future. 
It was then customary with fathers upon their death 
bed to command their children to carry oblations to 
the capitol, with this inscription, that at the day of 
their death they left Augustus in health. 

14. It was determined that no man should be put 
to death, on such days as the emperor entered the 
city. Upon a dearth of provisions, the people in a 
body entreated him to accept of the dictatorship ; but, 
though he undertook to be procurator of the provi- 
sions, he would by no means accept of the title of 
dictator, which had been abolished by a law made 
when Anthony was consul. 

15. This accumulation of titles and employments, 
did not in the least diminish his assiduity in filling 
the duties of each. Several very wholesome edicts 
were passed by his command, tending to suppress 
corruption in the senate, and licentiousness in the 
people. He ordained that none should exliibit a show 
of gladiators without orders from the senate, and then 
no oftener than twice a year ; nor with more than an 
hundred and twenty at a time. 

16. This law was extremely necessary at so cor- 
rupt a period of the empire ; when whole armies of 
these unfortunate men were brought at once upon the 
stage, and compelled to fight, often till half of them 



212 THE HISTORY OF THE 

were slain. It had been usual also, with the knights, 
and some women of the first distinction, to exhibit them- 
selves as dancers upon the theatre, he ordered that 
not only they, but their children and grand children, 
should be restrained from such exercises for the future. 

17. He fined many that had refused to marry at a 
certain age, and rewarded such as had many children. 
He ordained that virgins should not be married till 
twelve years of age, and permitted any person to kill 
an adulterer taken in the act. He enacted that the 
senators should be always held in great reverence, 
adding to their authority what he had taken from 
their power. He made a law that no man should 
have the freedom of the city without a previous 
examination into his merit and character. He 
appointed new rules and limits to the manumission 
of slaves, and was himself very strict in the obser- 
vance of them. 

18. With regard to players, of whom he was very 
fond, he severely examined their morals, not allowing 
the least licentiousness in their lives, nor indecency 
in their actions. Though he encouraged the athletic 
exercises yet he would not permit women to be pre- 
sent at them, holding it unbecoming the modesty of the 
sex, to be spectators of these sports, which were per- 
formed by naked men. In order to prevent bribery 
in suing for offices, he took considerable sums of 
money from the candidates by way of pledge ; and if 
any indirect practices were proved against them, they 
were obliged to forfeit all. 

19. Slaves had been hitherto disallowed to confess 
any thing against their own master ; but he abolished 
the practice, and first sold the slave to another, which, 
altering the property, his examination became free. 
These, and many other laws, all tending to reform 
vice, or deter from crimes, gave the manners of the 
people another complexion ; so that the rough cha- 
racter of the Roman was now softened into that oi 
the refined citizen, 



73 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 213 

20. Indeed his own example a good deal tended 
|o humanize his fellow-citizens ; for, being placed 
above all equality, he had nothing to fear from con- 
descension ; wherefore he was familiar with all, and 
suffered himself to be reprimanded with the most pa- 
tient humility. Though he was, by the single autho- 
rity of his station capable of condemning or acquit- 
ting whomsoever he thought proper, yet he gave laws 
their proper course, and even sometimes pleaded for 
ihose he desired to protect. 

21. Thus Primus, the governor of Macedonia, hav- 
ing a day assigned him for having made war upon 
ihe Odrisii, a neighbouring state, as he said, by the 
command of Augustus, the latter denied the charge. 
Upon which the advocate for Primus desired to know 
frith an insolent air, what brought Augustus into 
court, or who had sent for him ? To this the Em 
peror submissively replied, " The Commonwealth ; 
^ answer which greatly pleased the peole. 

22. Upon another occasion, one of his veteran sol- 
diers entreated his protection in a certain cause ; but 
Augustus taking little notice of his request, desired 
him to apply to an advocate. " Ah, 55 replied the 
a>ldier, " it was not by proxy that I served you at 
u the battle of Actium." This reply pleased Augus- 
tas so much, that he pleaded his cause in person, and 
gained it for him. He was extremely affable, and 
turned the salutations of the meanest persons. 

23. One day a person presented him a petition, 
But with so much awe that Augustus was displeased 
with his meanness. " What, friend," cried he, " you 
u seem as if j^ou were offering something to an ele- 
** pliant, and not to a man ; be bolder." One day 
as he w r as sitting on the tribunal in judgment, Mae- 
cenas, perceiving by his temper that he was inclined 
to be severe, attempted to speak to him : but not 
being able to get up to the tribunal for the crowd, he 
threw a paper into his lap, on which w T as written 

arise executioner." Augustus read it without any 



n 



214 THE HISTORY OF THE 

displeasure, and immediately rising, pardoned those 
whom he was disposed to condemn. 

24. But what most of all showed a total alteration 
in his disposition, was his treatment of Cornelius 
China, Pompey's grandson. This nobleman had en- 
tered into a very dangerous conspiracy against him : 
but the plot was discovered before it was ripe for ex- 
ecution. Augustus for some time debated with him- 
self how to act ; but at last his clemency prevailed ; 
he therefore sent for those who were guilty, and after 
reprimanding them dismissed them all. 

25. But he was resolved to mortify China by the 
greatness of his generosity ; for addressing him in 
particular, " I have twice," says he, " given you 
" your life, first as enemy, now as a conspirator ; I 
" now give you the consulship ; let us therefore be 
" friends for the future : and let us only contend in 
" showing whether my confidence or your fidelity 
" shall be victorious." This generosity, which the 
emperor very happily timed, had so good an effect, 
that from that instant all conspiracies ceased against 
him. 

26. Li the practice of such virtues as these he pass- 
ed a long reign of above forty years, in which the 
happiness of the people seemed to conspire with his 
own, not but that there were wars in the distant pro- 
\"inces of the empire during almost the whole reign, 
but they were rather the quelling of insurrections than 
the extending of dominions ; for he had made it a 
rule to carry on no operation in which ambition, and 
not the safety of the state, was concerned. 

27. In fact he seemed the first Roman who aimed 
at gaining a character by the arts of peace alone, 
and who obtained the affections of the soldiers with- 
out any military talents of his own. Nevertheless the 
Roman arms under his lieutenants were crowned 
with success. The Cantabrians in Spain who had 
revolted were more than once quelled by Tiberius, 
his stepson, Agrippa, his son-in-law, and iElius Lama i 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 215 

who followed them to their inaccessible moun- 
tains, there blocked them up, and compelled them by 
famine to surrender at discretion. 

28. The Germans also gave some uneasiness by 
their repeated incursions into the territories of Gaul, 
but were repressed by Loliius. The Rhetians were 
conquered by Drusus, the brother of Tiberius. The 
Bessi and Sialatae, barbarous nations, making an ir- 
ruption into Thrace, were overthrown by Piso, go- 
vernor of Pamphylia, who gained triumphal honours. 
The Dacians w T ere repressed with more than one de- 
feat : the Armenians also were brought into due sub- 
jection by Caius his grandson, 

29. The Getulians in Africa took up arms; but were 
subdued by the consul Caius Cossus, who thence re- 
ceived the surname of Getulicus. A dangerous war 
also was carried on against the Dalmatians and Pan- 
nonians, who, having acquired great strength by the 
continuance of a long peace, gathered an army of 
two hundred thousand foot and nine thousand horse, 
threatening Rome itself with destruction. 

30. Levies were therefore made in Italy with the 
utmost expedition ; the veteran troops were recalled 
from all parts, and Augustus went to Arminium for 
the greater convenience of giving his directions. 
And indeed, though personal valour was by no means 
his shining ornament, yet no man could give wiser 
orders upon every emergency, or go with greater 
dispatch into all parts of his dominions than he. This 
war continued near three years, being principally 
managed by Tiberius and Germanicus ; the latter of 
whom gained reputation against these fierce and bar- 
barous multitudes. 

31. Upon their reduction, Bato, their leader, being 
summoned before the tribunal of Tiberius, and being 
demanded howhe could offer to revolt against the pow- 
er of Rome, the bold barbarian replied, " That the 
" Romans, and not he, were the aggressors; since they 
" had sent, instead of dogs and shepherds to secure 



216 THE HISTORY OF THE 

M their flocks, only wolves and bears to devour 
" them." But the war which was most fatal to the 
Roman interests during this reign, was 
U. C. that which was managed by Quintillius 
752. Varus. This general, invading the territo- 
ries of the Germans, was induced to follow 
the enemy among their forests and marshes with his 
army in separate bodies : there he was attacked by 
night, and entirely cut off, with his whole army. 

32. These were the best and choicest legions of 
the whole empire, either for valour, discipline, or ex- 
perience. The affliction from this defeat seemed to 
sink very deep upon the mind of Augustus. He was 
often heard to cry out in a tone of anguish, " Quin- 
" tillius Varus restore me my legions f* and some 
historians pretend to say that he never after recover- 
ed the former serenity of his temper. 

33. But he had some uneasiness of a domestic na- 
ture in his own family that contributed to distress 
him : he had married Livia, the wife of Tiberius Ne- 
ro, by the consent of her husband, at a time she was 
six months gone with child. This was an imperious 
woman, and, conscious of being beloved, she con- 
trolled him ever after at her pleasure. She had 
two sons by her former husband, Tiberius the elder, 
w T hom she greatly loved ) and Drusus, who was born 
three montiis after she had been married to Augus- 
tus, and who was thought to be his own son. 

34. The eldest of these, Tiberius, whom he after- 
wards adopted, and who succeeded him in the em- 
pire, was a good general, but of a suspicious and ob- 
stinate temper ; so that though he was serviceable to 
Augustus in his foreign wars, yet he gave him but 
little quiet at home. He was at last obliged to go in- 
to exile for five years to the island of Rhodes, where 
he chiefly spent his time in a retired manner, conver- 
sing with the Greeks, and addicting himself to litera- 
ture ; of which however, he made afterwards but a 
bad use. 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 217 

35. Drusus, the son of Livia, died in his return 
from an expedition against the Germans, leaving 
Augustus inconsolable for his loss. But his greatest 
affliction was the conduct of his daughter Julia, 
whom he had by Scribonia, his former wife. This 
woman whom he married to his general Agrippa, 
and after his death to Tiberius, set no bounds to her 
lewdness. Not contented with enjoying her plea- 
sures, she seemed also earnest in procuring the infamy 
of her prostitutions. 

36. Augustus for a long time would not believe 
the accounts he daily heard of her conduct, but at 
last could not help observing them. He found sue 
was arrived at that excess of wantonness and prodi- 
gality, that she had her nocturnal appointments in 
the most public parts of the city ; the very court 
where her father presided not being exempt from 
her debaucheries. He at first had thoughts of put- 
ting her to death ; but after some consideration he 
banished her to Pandataria, forbidding her the use 
of wine, and all such delicacies, as could inflame her 
vicious inclinations ; he ordered also that no person 
shouM come near her without his own permission, 
and sent her mother Scribonia with her to bear her 
company. 

37. Afterwards, whenever any attempted to inter 
cede for Julia, his answer was " That fire and 
" water should sooner unite than he wkh her." 
When some persons one day were more than usually 
urgent with him in her favour, he was driven to such 
an extremity of passion as to wish that they might 
have such a daughter. However, she had two sons 
by Agrippa, named Cains and Lucius, from whom 
great expectations were formed ; but they died when 
scarcely arrived at man's estate ; Lucius about five 
years after his father, at Marseilles, and Caius two 
years after. 

38. Augustus having now, in a great measure, 
survived all his contemporaries, at length, in the 

Id K 



218 THE HISTORY OF THE 

seventy-fourth year of his age, began to think of re- 
tiring from the fatigues of state, and in some measure 
of continuing Tiberius, his son-in-law by Livia, his 
successor in his usual employments. He desired the 
senate to salute him no longer at the palace accord- 
ing to custom ; nor to take it amiss, if, for the future, 
he could not converse with them as formerly. From 
that time, Tiberius w 7 as joined in the government of 
the provinces with him, and invested with 
U. C. almost the same authority. 
766. 39. However, Augustus could not en- 

tirely forsake the administration of the 
state, which habit had mixed with his satisfactions ; 
he still continued a watchful guardian of its interests-, 
and show r ed himself to the last a lover of his people. 
Finding it now therefore very inconvenient to come 
to the senate by reason of his age, he desired to 
have twenty privy counsellors assigned him for a 
year;, and it was decreed, that whatever measures 
were resolved upon by them, together with the con- 
suls, they should have entirely the force of a law. 
He seemed in some measure apprehensive of his ap- 
proaching end, for he made his will, and delivered 
it to the vestal virgins. 

40. He then solemnized the census, or numbering 
the people, whom he found to amount to four mil- 
lions, one hundred and thirty-seven thousand ^ which 
shows Rome to be equal to four of the greatest cities 
of modern times.— While these ceremonies were per- 
forming by a mighty concourse of people in the 
Campus Martius, it is said that an eagle flew round 
the emperor several times, and directing its flight to 
a neighbouring temple, perched over the name of 
Agrippa, which was by the augurs conceived to por- 
tend the death of the emperor. 

41. Shortly after, having accompanied Tiberius 
in his march into Illyria as far as Beneventum, he 
was there taken ill of a diarrhoea. Returning there- 
fore from thence, he came to Nola, near Capua, and 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 219 

there finding himself dangerously ill, he sent for Ti- 
berius with the rest of his most intimate friends and 
acquaintance.- — A few hours before his death he or- 
dered a looking-glass to be brought, and his hair to 
be adjusted with more than usual care. 

42. He then addressed his friends whom he beheld 
surrounding his bed, and desired to know r whether 
he had properly played his part in life ; to which be- 
ing answered in the affirmative, he cried out with his 
last breath, " then give me your applause;" and 
thus, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, after reign- 
ing forty-one, he expired in the arms of Livia, bid- 
ding her remember their marriage and farewell. 

43. The death of the emperor when know r n caused 
inexpressible grief throughout the whole Roman em- 
pire: it was even supposed that his wife Livia had 
some hand in hastening it, willing to procure the 
succession more speedily for her son. — However this 
be, she took care for some time to keep it concealed, 
having guarded all the passages to the palace ; some- 
times giving out that he recovered, and pretending a 
relapse. At length, having settled the succession to 
her mind, she published the emperor's death, and at 
the same time the adoption of Tiberius to the 
empire. 

44. The emperor's funeral was performed with 
great magnificence. The senators being in their 
places, Tiberius, on whom the care was devolved 
began a consolatory oration to them ; but suddenly 
stopped in the beginning of his speech, as unable to 
restrain the violence of his sorrow ) and, instead of 
continuing, gave his notes to Drusus his son who 
read them to the senate. After this, one of the late 
emperor's freedmen publicly read his will in the se- 
nate house, wherein he made Tiberius and Livia his 
heirs ; and by that Livia was likewise adopted into 
the Julian family, and honoured with the name of 
Augusla. 

45. Besides his will, four other writings of his 



220 THE HISTORY 01 THE 

were produced. One, in which he had left instruc- 
tions concerning his funeral; another, containing an 
enumeration of his several exploits; a third, compri- 
sing an account of the provinces, forces, and revenues 
of the empire; and a fourth, a schedule of directions 
to Tiberius for governing the empire. Among these 
it was found to be his opinion, that no man, how 
great a favourite soever he might be, should he en- 
trusted with too much authority, least it should in- 
duce him to turn tyrant. Another maxim was, that 
none should desire to enlarge the empire which was 
already preserved with difficulty. 

46. Thus he seemed studious of serving his coun- 
try to the very last, and the sorrow of the people 
seemed equal to his assiduity. It was decreed, that 
all the women should mourn for him a whole year. 
Temples were erected to him ; divine honours were 
allowed him ; and one Numerius Atticus, a senator, 
willing to convert the adulation of the times to his 
own benefit, received a large sum of money for swear- 
ing that he saw him ascending into heaven ; so that 
no doubt remained among the people concerning his 
divinity. 

47. Such were the honours paid to Augustus, 
whose power began in the slaughter, and terminated 
in the happiness of his subjects ; so that it was said 
of him, " That it had been good for mankind if he 
" had never been born, or if he never had died." It 
is very probable that the cruelties exercised in his 
triumvirate were suggested by his colleagues ; or, 
perhaps, he thought, in the case of Caesar's death, 
that revenge was virtue. Certain it is, that these 
severities were in some measure necessary to restore 
public tranquillity; for, until the Roman spirit was 
entirely eradicated, no monarchy could be secure. 

48. He gave the government an air suited to the 
disposition of the times ; he indulged his subjects in 
the pride of seeing the appearance of a republic, 
while he made them really happy in the effects of a 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 221 

most absolute monarchy, guided by the most con- 
summate prudence. In this last virtue he seems to 
have excelled most monarchs; and indeed, could we 
separate Octavius from Augustus, he would be one 
of the most faultless princes in history. 

49. Tiberius was fifty-six years old 

when he took upon him the government U. C 
of the Roman empire. He had long lived 765. 
in a profound state of dissimulation under A. D. 15. 
Augustus, and was not yet hardy enough 
to show himself in his real character. In the begin- 
ning of his reign nothing appeared but prudence, 
generosity, and clemency. But the successes of 
Germanicus, his nephew, over the Germans, first 
brought his natural disposition to light, and disco- 
vered the malignity of his mind without disguise. 

50. He soon therefore, began to consult on the 
most specious means of humbling the popularity of 
Germanicus, and removing this object of his suspi- 
cions. For this purpose he dispatched Piso to Ger- 
manicus, a person of a furious and headstrong tem- 
per, and in every respect fit to execute those fatal 
purposes for which he was designed. His instruc- 
tions were to oppose Germanicus upon every occa- 
sion, and to excite all the hatred against him which, 
without suspicion, he could, and even to procure his 
death if an opportunity should offer. This agent 
succeeded ; Germanicus died soon after ; and, as it 
was universally believed by poison. 

51. Having now no object of jealousy to keep him 
in awe, he began to pull off the mask entirely, and 
appear more in his natural character than before. 
In the beginning of his cruelties he took into his 
confidence Sejanus, a Roman knight, who found out 
the method of gaining his confidence by the most re- 
fined degree of dissimulation, being an overmatch 
for his master in his own arts. It is not well known 
whether he was the adviser of all the cruelties that 
ensued soon after ; but certain it \b, that from the 

19* 



222 THE HISTORY OF THE 

beginning of his ministry Tiberius seemed to become 
more fatally suspicious. 

52. Sejanus began by using all his address to per- 
suade Tiberius to retire to some agreeable retreat, 
remote from Rome. By this he expected many ad- 
vantages, since there could be no access to the em- 
peror but by him. The emperor, either prevailed 
upon by his persuasions, or pursuing the natural turn 
of his temper, which led to indolence and debauchery, 
in the twelfth year of his reign left Rome, and went 
into Campania, under pretence of dedicating tem- 
ples to Jupiter and Augustus. Still growing weary 
cf places where mankind might follow him with their 
complaints and distresses, he withdrew himself into 
that most delightful island, of Caprea, three miles 
from the continent, and opposite Naples. Buried in 
this retreat, he gave himself up to his abandoned 
pleasures, quite regardless of the miseries of his 
subjects. 

53. In fact, it had been happy for mankind had 
he given up his suspicions when he declined the fa- 
tigues of reigning, and resigned the will to do harm 
when he divested himself of the power of doing good. 
But from the time of his retreat he became more 
cruel and Sejanus always endeavoured to increase 
his distrusts. Secret spies and informers were placed 
in all parts of the city, who converted the most harm- 
less actions into subjects of offence. 

54. Inconsequence of this, Nero, and Drusus, the 
children of Germ aniens, were declared enemies to 
the state, and afterwards starved to death in prison, 
while Agrippina, their mother, was sent into banish- 
ment. Sabinus, Asinius Gallus, and Syriacus, were, 
upon slight pretences, condemned and executed. In 
this manner Sejanus proceeded, removing all who 
stood between him and the empire, and every day 
•increasing in confidence with Tiberius, and power 
witn the senate. The number of his statues exceed- 
ed even those of the emperor; people swore by his 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 223 

fortune in the same manner as they would have done 
had he been actually upon the throne ; and he was 
more dreaded than even the tyrant who actually en- 
joyed the empire. 

55. But the rapidity of his rise seemed only pre- 
paratory to the greatness of his downfall. All we 
know of his first disgrace with the emperor is, that 
Satirus Secundus was the man who had the boldness 
to accuse him of treason ; and Antonia, the mother 
of Germanicus, seconded the accusation. The se- 
nate, who had long been jealous of his power, and 
dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this opportu- 
nity of going beyond the orders of Tiberius, and in- 
stead of sentencing him to imprisonment, they directed 
his execution. As he was conducting to his fate, the 
people loaded him with insult and execration. He 
was pursued with sarcastic reproaches ; his statues 
were instantly thrown down, and he himself shortly 
after strangled by the executioner. 

56. His death only lighted up the emperor's rage 
for farther executions. Plancina, the w T ife of Piso, 
Sextus Vestilius, Vescularius Atticus, and Julius 
Marinus were executed by his command for being 
attached to Sejanus. He began to grow weary of 
particular executions, and gave orders that all the 
accused should be put to death together, without 
further examination. The whole city was filled with 
slaughter and mourning. When one Carnulius had 
killed himself to avoid the torture : " Ah," cried 
Tiberius, " How has that nian been able to escape 
" me !" When a prisoner earnestly entreated that 
he would not defer his death : " No," cried the 
tyrant, " I am not sufficiently your friend to shorten 
" your torments." 

57. In this manner, he lived, odious to all the 
world, and troublesome to himself; an enemy to tne 
lives of others, and a tormentor of his own. At 
length, in the twenty-second year of his reign, Jhe 
began to feel the approaches of his dissolution, ana 



224 THE HISTORY OF THE 

all his appetites totally to forsake him. He now, 
therefore, found it was time to think of a successor, 
and at length fixed upon Caligula; willing, perhaps, 
by the enormity of Caligula's conduct, with which 
he was well acquainted, to cover the memory of his 
own. 

58. Still, however, he seemed willing to avoid his 
end, and strove, by change of place to put off the 
inquietude of his own reflections. He left his favour- 
ite island, and went upon the continent ; and at last 
fixed at the promontory of Misenum, in a house 
that formerly belonged to Lucullus. It was there 
that he fell into such faintings as all believed were 
fatal. Caligula supposing him actually dead, caused 
himself to be acknowledged by the praetorian sol- 
diers, and went forth from the emperor's apartment 
amidst the applauses of the multitude: when, all of 
a sudden., he was informed that the emperor was re- 
covered, that he had begun to speak, and desired to 
eat. 

59. This unexpected account filled the whole court 
with terrour and alarm : every one who had before 
been in earnest in testif\ing their joy now reassumed 
their pretended sorrow, and left the new emperor 
through a feigned solicitude for the fate of the old. 
Caligula seemed thunderstruck : he preserved a 
gloomy silence, expecting nothing but death, instead 
of the empire at which he had aspired. Macro, 
however, who was hardened in crimes, ordered that 
the dying emperor should be dispatched, by smother- 
ing him with pillows, or, as others will 

U. C. 790. have it, by poison. In this manner 
A. D. 39. Tiberius died in the seventy-eighth 
year of his age, after reigning twenty- 
two. 

60. It was in the eighteenth year of this monarch's 
reign, that Christ was crucified; as if the universal 
depravity of mankind, wanted no less a sacrifice than 
that of God himself, to reclaim them. Shortly after 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 225 

his death, Pilate wrote to Tiberius, on account of 
his passion, resurrection and miracles ; upon which, 
the emperor made a report of the whole to the se- 
nate, desiring that Christ might be accounted a God 
by the Romans. 

61. But the senate, being displeased that the pro- 
posal had not come first from themselves, refused to 
allow his apotheosis, alledging an ancient law, which 
g?ve them the superintendance in all matters in re- 
ligion. They even went so far, as, by an edict, to 
command that all Christians should leave the city; 
but Tiberius, by another act, threatened death to all 
such as should accuse them; by which means, they 
continued unmolested during the rest of his reign. 

62. All the enormities of Caligula were concealed 
in the beginning of his reign. But it had been hap- 
py for him and the empire, had such a beginning 
been as strenuously maintained. In less than eight 
months all appearance of moderation and clemency 
vanished ; while furious passions, unexampled ava- 
rice, and capricious cruelty, began to take their turn 
in his mind. Pride, impiety, lust, avarice, and all 
in the extreme, were every moment brought forward. 

63. His pride first began by assuming to himself 
the title of ruler, which was usually granted only to 
kings. He would also have taken the crown and 
diadem, had he not been advised that he was already 
S'iperiour to all the monarchs of the world. Not 
long after, he assumed divine honours, and gave him- 
se'f the name of such divinities as he thought most 
agreeable to his nature. For this purpose, he caused 
the heads of the statues of Jupiter, and some other 
gods to be struck off, and his own to be put in their 
p ! aces. 

64. He frequently seated himself between Castor 
and Pollux, and ordered, that all who came to their 
temples to worship, should pay their adorations only 
to him. — However, such was the extravagant incon- 
stancy of this unaccountable idiot, that he changed 

K 2 



226 THE HISTORY OF THE 

his divinity as often as he changed his clothes. Be* 
ing at one time a male deity, at another a female,* 
sometimes Jupiter or Mars, and not unfrequently 
Venus or Diana. He even built and dedicated a 
temple to his own divinity, in which his statue of 
gold was every day drest in similar robes to those 
which he himself wore, and was worshipped by 
crowds of adorers. 

65. His priests were numerous ; the sacrifices 
made to him were of the most exquisite delicacies 
that could be procured, and the dignity of the priest- 
hood was sought by the most opulent men of the 
city. How r ever, he admitted his wife and his horse 
to that honour • and, to give a finishing stroke to his 
absurdities, he became a priest to himself. His me- 
thod of assuming the manners of a deity was not less 
ridiculous : he often w T ent out in the full moon, and 
courted it in the style of a lover. 

66. He often invited it to his bed, to taste the 
pleasures of his embraces. He employed many in- 
ventions to imitate thunder, and would frequently 
defy Jupiter, crying out with a speech of Homer, 
" Do you conquer me, or I will conquer you. 55 He 
frequently pretended to converse in whispers with 
the statue of Jupiter, and usually seemed angry at 
its replies, threatening to send it packing into Greece. 
— Sometimes, however, he would assume a better 
temper, and seemed contented that they tw T o should 
dwell together in amity. 

67. Of all his vices, his prodigality was the most 
remarkable, and that which in some measure gave 
rise to the rest. The luxuries of former emperors 
were simplicity itself when compared to those which 
he practised. He contrived new ways of bathing, 
where the richest oils, and most precious perfumes, 
were exhausted with the utmost profusion. He found 
out dishes of immense value, and had even jewels, as 
we are told, dissolved among his sauces. He some- 
times had services of pure gold presented before his 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 227 

guest instead of meat, observing, that a man should 
be an economist or an emperor. 

68. The expensive manner in which he maintained 
his h©rse will give some idea of his domestic econo- 
my. He built it a stable of marble, and a manger 
of ivory. Whenever this animal, which he called 
Incitatus, was to run, he placed centinels near his 
stable the night preceding to prevent its slumbers 
from being broken. He appointed it an house, fur- 
niture, and a kitchen, in order to treat all its visitors 
with proper respect. The emperor sometimes invit- 
ed Incitatus to his own table, presented it with gilt 
oats, and wine in a golden cup. He often swore by 
the safety of his horse; and it is said he would have 
appointed it to the consulship, had not his death 
prevented. 

69. His impiety w r as but subordinate to his cruel- 
ties. He slew many of the senate, and afterwards 
cited them to appear, as if they had killed themselves. 
He cast great numbers of old and infirm men, and 
poor dccrepid housekeepers to wild beasts, to free 
the state from such unserviceable citizens. — He usu- 
ally fed his wild beast? with the bodies of those 
wretches whom he condemned, and every tenth day 
sent off numbers of them to be thus devoured, which 
he jocosely called clearing his accounts. One of 
those, who was thus exposed, crying out that he was 
innocent, Caligula ordered his tongue to be cut out, 
and then thrown into the amphitheatre as before. 

70. He took delight in killing men with slow 
tortures, that, as he expressed it, they might feel 
themselves dying; being always present at such 
executions himself, directing the duration of the 
punishment, and mitigating the tortures, merely 
to prolong them. In fact, he valued himself for 
no quality more than this unrelenting temper, and 
inflexible severity, which he preserved while pre- 
f ; ding at an execution. At one time, being in- 
censed with the citizens of Rome, he wished that 



228 THE HISTORY OF THE 

all the Roman people bad but cue neck, that he 
might dispatch them at a blow. 

71. Such insupportable and capricious cruelties, 
produced man} 7 secret conspiracies against him ; but 
these were for a while deferred, upon account of his 
intended expedition against the Germans and Bri- 
tons, which he undertook in the third } r ear 

U. C. 793. of his reign. For this purpose he caus- 

A. D. 41. ed numerous levies to be made in all 

parts of the empire, and talked with so 

much resolution, that it was universally believed he 

w T ould conquer all before him. 

72. His march perfectly indicated the inequality 
of his temper: sometimes it was so rapid that the co- 
horts were obliged to leave their standards behind 
them : at other times it was so slow that it more re- 
sembled a pompous procession than a military expe- 
dition. In this disposition he would cause himseli 
to be carried on eight men's shoulders, and ordered 
all the neighbouring cities to have their streets well 
swept and watered to defend him from the dust. 
However, all these mighty preparations ended in no- 
thing. 

73. Instead of conquering Britain, he only gave 
refuge to one of its banished prince* ; and this he de- 
scribed in his letter to the senate as taking possession 
of the whole island. Instead of conquering Germa- 
ny, he only led his army to the sea shore in Batavia. 
There, disposing his engines and warlike machines 
wiih great solemnit}', and drawing up his men in or- 
der of battle, he w r ent on board his galley, with which, 
coasting along, he commanded his trumpets to sound, 
and The signal to be given as if for an engagement ; 
upon which his men, having had previous orders, im- 
mediately fell to gathering the shells that lay upon 
the shore into their helmets, terming them the spoils 
of the conquered ocean, worthy of the palace and the 
capitol. 

74. After this doughty expedition, calling his 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 229 

army together as a general after victory, he haran- 
gued them in a pompous manner, and highly extol- 
led their achievements ; and then distributing money 
among them, dismissed them with orders to be joy- 
ful, and congratulated them upon their riches. But 
that such exploits should not pass without a memo- 
rial, he caused a lofty tower to be erected by the sea 
side, and ordered the galliesin which he had put to sea 
to be conveyed to Rome, in a great measure by land. 

75. Cassius Cherea, tribune of the praetorian 
bands, was the person who at last freed the w r orld of 
this tyrant. Resides the motives which he had in 
common with other men, he had received repeated 
insults from Caligula, who took all occasions of turn- 
ing him to ridicule, and impeaching him of cowar- 
dice, merely because he happened to have an effemi- 
nate voice. Whenever Cherea came to demand the 
watchword from the emperor, according to custom, 
he always gave him either Venus, Adonis, or some 
such, implying effeminacy and softness. 

76. He therefore secretly imparted his design to 
several senators and knights, whom he knew to have 
received personal injuries from Caligula ; among 
whom was Valerius Asiaticus, whose wi r e the empe- 
ror had debauched. Anius Vinicianus also was de- 
sirous of engaging in the first design that offered. 
Besides these, were Clemens the praefect, and Calis^- 
tus, whose riches made him obnoxious to the tyrant's 
resentment. 

77. While these were deliberating upon the most 
certain and speedy method of destroying the tyrant, 
an unexpected incident gave new strength to the 
conspiracy. Pompedius, a senator of distinction, 
having been accused before the emperor of having 
spoken of him with disrespect, the informer cited one 
Quintilia, an actress to confirm his accusation. Quin- 
tilia however, was possessed of a degree of fortitude 
not easily found even in the other sex. She denied 
the fact with obstinacy ; and being put to the torture 

20 



230 THE HISTORY OF THE 

at the informer's request, she bore the severest tor 
ments of the rack with unshaken constancy. 

78. But what is most remarkable of her resolution 
is, that she was acquainted with all the particulars oi 
the conspiracy ; and although Cherea was the person 
appointed to preside at her torture she revealed no- 
thing : on the contrary, when she was led to the rack, 
she trod upon the toe of one of the conspirators, in- 
timating at once her knowledge of the confederacy, 
and her own resolution not to divulge it. in this 
manner she suffered, until all her limbs were dislo- 
cated ; and in that deplorable state was presented to 
the emperor, who ordered her a gratuity for what 
she had suffered. Cherea could no longer contain 
his indignation at being thus made the instrument of 
a tyrant's cruelty, 

79. After several deliberations with the conspira- 
tors, it was at last resolved to attack him during the 
continuance of the Palatine games, which lasted four 
days ; and to strike the blow when his guards should 
have the least opportunity to defend him. In conse- 
quence of this, the three first days of the games pass- 
ed without affording any opportunity. Cherea now 
therefore began to apprehend, that deferring the time 
of the conspiracy might be a mean to divulge it ; he 
even began to dread that the honour of killing the 
tyrant might fall to the lot of some other person more 
bold than himself; wherefore, he at last resolved to 
defer the execution of his plot only to the day follow- 
ing, when Caligula should pass through a private 
gallery to some baths not far distant from the 
palace. 

80. The last day of the games was more splendid 
than the rest, and Caligula seemed more sprightly and 
condescending than usual. He took great amusement 
in seeing the people scramble for the fruits and other 
rarides, thrown by his order among them, and seem- 
ed no way apprehensive of the plot formed for his 
destruction. In the mean time the conspiracy began 



COMMONWEALTH OF ROME. 231 

to transpire ; and, had he had any friends left, it 
would not fail of being discovered. 

81. A senator who was present, asking one of his 
acquaintance if he had heard any thing new, the 
other replied in the negative, " then you must know," 
says he, " that this day will be represented the death 
11 of a tyrant." The other immediately understood 
him, but desired him to be more cautious how he di- 
vulged a secret of so much importance. 

82. The conspirators waited a great part of the 
day with the most extreme anxiety ; and at one time, 
Caligula seemed resolved to spend the whole day with- 
out any refreshment. This unexpected delay entirely 
exasperated Cherea ; and, had he not been restrained, 
he would have gone and perpetrated his design in the 
midst of all the people. Just at that instant, while 
he was yet hesitating what he should do, Asprenas 
one of the conspirators, persuaded Caligula to go to 
the bath, and take some slight refreshment, in order 
to enjoy the rest of the entertainment with greater relish. 

83. The emperor therefore rising up, the conspi- 
rators used every precaution to keep off the throng, 
and to surround him, under pretence of greater assi- 
duity. And these, upon his entering into a little vaulted 
gallery, that led from the theatre to the bath, resol- 
ved to dispatch him. Cherea first struck him to the 
ground with his dagger, crying out, " Tyrant, think 
$t upon this." Immediately after, the other conspi- 
rators rushed in ; and while the emperor continued 
to resist, crying out that he was not yet dead, they 
dispatched him with thirty wounds. 

84. Such was the meiited death of Caius Caligu- 
la, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, after a short 
reign of three years, ten months, and eight days. It 
will be unnecessary to add any thing more to his 
character than what Seneca says of him, namely, 
that nature seemed to have brought him forth, to show 
what was possible to be produced from the greatest 
vice, supported by the greatest authority. 



232 THE HISTORY OF THE 

85. As soon as the death of Caligula 

U. C. 794. was made public, it produced the great- 

A. D. 42. est confusion in all parts of the city. 

The conspirators, who only aimed at 

destroying a tyrant without attending to a successor, 

had all sought safety by retiring to private places. 

Some soldiers happening to run about the palace, 

discovered Claudius, Caligula's uncle, lurking in a 

secret place, where he had hid himself through fear. 

Of this personage, who had hitherto been despised for 

his imbecility, they resolved to make an emperor, 

and accordingly carried him upon their shoulders to 

the camp, where they proclaimed him, at a time he 

expected nothing but death, and the senate confirmed 

their choice. 

86. Claudius was now fifty years old when he be- 
gan to reign. The complicated diseases of his in- 
fancy, had in some measure affected all the faculties 
both of his body and mind. — He was continued in a 
state of pupilage much longer than was usual at that 
time, and seemed in every part of life incapable of 
conducting himself. 

87. The commencement of his reign, as it was 
with all the other bad emperors, gave the most pro- 
mising hopes of an happy continuance. He began 
by passing an act of oblivion for all former words 
and actions, and disannulled all the cruel edicts of 
Caligula. He showed himself more moderate than 
bis predecessors with regard to titles and honours 
He forbade all persons, upon severe penalties, to sa- 
crifice to him, as they had lo Caligula. He was as- 
siduous in hearing and examining complaints, and 
frequently administered justice in person, tempering 
by his mildness, the severity of strict justice. 

88. To his solicitude for the internal advantages 
of the state, he added that of a watchful guardianship 
over the provinces. He restored Judea to Herod 
Agrippa, which Caligula had taken from Herod An- 
tipater, his uncle, the man who had put John the 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 233 

Baptist to death, and who was banished by order of 
the presentemperor. Claudius also restored such prin- 
ces to their kingdoms, as had been unjustly dispos- 
sessed by his predecessors, but deprived the Lycians 
and Rhodians of their liberty, for having promoted 
insurrection, and crucified some citizens of Rome. 

89. He even undertook to gratify the people by 
foreign conquest. The Britons, who had for near an 
hundred years been left in sole possession of their 
own Island, began to seek the mediation of Rome, 
to quell their intestine commotions. The principal 
man who desired to subject his native country to the 
Roman dominion, was one Bericus, who, by many 
arguments, persuaded the emperor to make a descent 
upon the Island, magnifying the advantages that 
would attend the conquest of it. 

90. In pursuance of his advice, therefore, Plautius, 
the praetor, was ordered to pass over into Gaul, and 
make preparations for this great expedition. At first, 
indeed, his soldiers seemed backward to embark ; 
declaring that they were unwilling to make war be- 
yond the limits of the world, for so they judged Bri- 
tain to be. However, they were at last persuaded to 
go ; and the Britons, under the conduct of their king 
Cynobelinus, were several times overthrown. 

91. These successes soon after indu- 
ced Claudius to go into Britain in per- A. D. 46. 
son, upon pretence that the natives were 

still seditious, and had not delivered up some Roman 
fugitives, who had taken shelter among them. How- 
ever, his expedition seemed rather calculated for show 
than service : the time he continued in Britain, which 
was in all but sixteen days, was more taken up in 
receiving homage than extending his conquests. 
Great rejoicings were made upon his return to Rome. 

92. The senate decreed him a splendid triumph ; 
triumphal arches were erected to his honour, and 
annual games instituted to commemorate his victo- 
ries. In the mean time the war was vigorously prose- 

20* 



234 THE HISTORY OF THE 

cuted by Plautius, and his lieutenant Vespasian, who, 
according to Suetonius, fought thirty battles with the 
enemy, and by that means reduced a part of the 

island into the form of a Roman pro- 
A. D. 51. vince. However, this war broke out 

afresh under the government of Ostori- 
us, who succeeded Plautius. The Britons either des- 
pising him for want of experience, or hoping to gain 
advantages over a person newly come to command, 
rose up in arms and disclaimed the Roman power. 

93. The Iceni, the Cangi, and theBrigantes, made a 
powerful resistance, though they were at length over- 
come; but the Silures, or inhabitants of South Wales, 
under their king Caractacus, were the most formida- 
ble opponents the Roman generals had ever yet en- 
countered. This brave barbarian not only made a 
gallant defence, but often seemed to claim a doubt- 
ful victory. He, with great conduct, removed the seat 
of war into the most inaccessible parts of the coun- 
try, and for nine years kept the Romans in continual 
alarm. 

94. This general, however, upon the approach of 
Ostorius, finding himself obliged to come to a deci- 
sive engagement, addressed his countrymen with 
calm resolution, telling them, that this battle would 
either establish their liberty, or confirm their servi- 
tude : that they ought to remember the bravery of 
their ancestors, by whose valour they were delivered 
from taxes and tributes, and that this was the time to 
show themselves equal to their progenitors. Nothing, 
however, that undisciplined valour could perform, 
could avail against the conduct of the Roman legions. 

95. After an obstinate fight, the Britons were en- 
tirely routed ; the wife and daughter of Caractacus 
were taken prisoners ; and he himself, seeking refuge 
from Cartismandua, queen of the Brigantes, was 
treacherously delivered up to the conquerors. When 
he was brought to Rome nothing could exceed the 
curiosity of the people to behold a man who had for 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 235 

So many years braved the power of the empire. On 
fas part he testified no marks of base dejection ; but, 
- **e was led through the streets, happening to ob- 
fce* the splendour of every object around him, 
" Alas," cried he, "how is it possible that people, pos- 
" sessed of such magnificence at home, could think of 
" envying Caractacus an humble cottage in Britain!" 

96. W hen he was brought before the emperor, 
while the other captives sued for pity with the most 
abject lamentations, Caractacus stood before the tri- 
bunal with an intrepid air, and seemed rather willing 
to accept of pardon, than meanly solicitous of suing 
for it. " If," cried he, towards the end of his speech, 
" I had yielded immediately, and without opposition, 
* neither my fortune would have been remarkable, 
" nor my glory memorable : you would have ceased 
" to be victorious, and I had been forgotten. If now 
" therefore you spare my life, I shall continue a per- 
" petual example of your clemency." Claudius had 
the generosity to pardon him; and Ostorius was de- 
creed a triumph, which however he did not live to enjoy. 

97. Claudius gave in the beginning of his reign 
the highest hopes of a happy continuance ; but he 
soon began to lessen his care for the public, and to 
commit to his favourites all the concerns of the em- 
pire. This weak prince had from his infancy been 
in a state of pupilage ; and now, when called to go- 
vern, he was unable to act but under the direction of 
others. The chief of his instructors was his wife 
Messalina, whose name is almost become a common 
appellation for women of abandoned characters. 

98. By her was Claudius urged on to commit cru- 
elties, which he considered only as wholesome seve- 
rities, while her debaucheries became every day more 
notorious, and her lewdness exceeded what had ever 
been seen in Rome. Her crimes and enormities, 
however, being at length discovered, she, together 
with her paramour, Caius Silius, suffered that death 
they so justly deserved. 



236 THE HISTORY OF THE 

i 

99. Claudius took for his second wife, Agrippina, 
the daughter of his brother Germanicus, a woman 
of a cruel and ambitions spirit/ whose whole aim 
being to procure the succession for Nero, her son by 
a former marriage, treated Claudius with such haugh- 
tiness, that he was heard to declare, when heated 
w r ith wine, that it w T as his fate to suffer the disorders 
of his wives, and to be their executioner. This ex- 
pression sunk deep on her mind, and engaged all 
her faculties to prevent the blow. She therefore re- 
solved not to defer a crime which she had meditated 
a long while before, which was to poison him. 

100. She for some time, however, debated with 
herself in what manner she should administer the 
poison, as she feared too strong a dose would disco- 
ver her treachery, and one too weak might fail of its 
effect. At length she determined upon a poison of 
singular efficacy to destroy his intellects, and yet not 
suddenly to terminate his life. As she had been 
long conversant in this horrid practice she applied 
to a woman called Locusta, notorious for assisting 
on such occasions. 

101. The poison w 7 as given the emperor among 
mushrooms, a dish he was particularly fond of. 
Shortly after having eaten he dropped down insen- 
sible ; but this caused no alarm, as it was usual with 
him to sit eating till he had stupified all his faculties, 
and was obliged to be carried off to his bed from the 
table. However, his constitution seemed to over- 
come the effects of the poison, when Agrippina re- 
solved to make sure of him ; wherefore she directed 
a wretched physician, who w T as her creature, to thrust 
a poisoned feather down his throat, under pretence 
of making him vomit, and thus dispatched him. 

102. Nero, though but seventeen 

U. C. 793. years of age, began his reign with the 

A. D. 55. general approbation of mankind. He 

appeared just, liberal and humane; when 

a warrant for the execution of a criminal was brought 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 237 

"him to be signed, he was heard to cry out, with seem- 
ing concern, " Would to heaven that I had never 
" learned to write !" 

103. But as he increased in years Irs crimes seem- 
ed to increase in equal proportion. The execution 
of his own mother Agrippina was the first alarming 
instance he gave of his cruelty. Having attempted 
to get her drowned at sea, failing in this, he ordered 
her to be put to death in her palace; and coming in 
person to gaze upon the dead body, was heard to say, 
that he never thought his mother had been so hand- 
some. 

104. All the bounds of virtue being thus broken 
down, Nero now gave a loose to his appetites, that 
were not only sordid but inhuman. There seemed 
an odd contrast in his disposition ; for while he prac- 
tised cruelties, which were sufficient to make the mind 
shudder with horror, he was fond of those amusing 
arts that soften and refine the heart. He was parti- 
cularly addicted, even from his childhood, to music, 
and not totally ignorant of poetry ; but chariot driv- 
ing was his favourite pursuit; and all these he fre- 
quently was seen to exhibit in public. 

105. But it had been happy for mankind had he 
confined himself to these ; and contented with being 
contemptible, sought not to become formidable also. 
His cruelties even outdid all his other extravagancies. 
He seemed even studious of finding out pleasures as 
well as crimes against nature. Being attired in the 
habit of a woman, and covered with a yellow veil 
like a bride, he was wedded to one of his abominable 
companions called Pythagoris, and again to his freed- 
man Deriphorus. 

106. On the other hand, that he might be every 
way detestable, he became the husband of a youth 
named Sporus, whom he had previously deprived of 
the marks of virility. A great part of the city of 
Rome was consumed by fire in his time ; and most 
historians ascribed the conflagration to him, It is 



238 THE HISTORY OF THE 

said that he stood upon a high tower during the 
continuance of the flames enjoying the sight, and re- 
peating, in a player's habit, and in a theatrical man- 
ner, some verses upon the destruction of Troy. 

107. As a proof of his guilt upon this occasion, 
none were permitted to lend any assistance towards 
extinguishing the flames ; and several persons were 
seen setting fire to the houses, alledging that they had 
orders for so doing. However this be, the emperor 
used every art to throw the odium of so detestable an 
action from himself, and to fix it upon the Christians, 
who were at that time gaining ground in Rome. 
Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution 
raised against them upon this false accusation. 
Some were covered with the skins of wild beasts, and 
in that figure devoured by dogs. Some were cruci- 
fied, and others burnt alive. 

108. " When the day was not sufficient for their 
" tortures, the flames in which they perished," says 
Tacitus, " served to illuminate the night; 5 ' while 
Nero dressed in the habit of a charioteer, regaled 
himself with their tortures from his gardens, and 
entertained the people at one time with their suffer- 
ings, at another with the games of the circus. In 
this persecution St. Paul was beheaded, and St. Peter 
was crucified with his head downwards ; which death 
he chose, as being more dishonourable than that of 
his Divine Master. 

109. A conspiracy formed against Nero, by Piso, 
a man of great power and integrity, which was pre- 
maturely discovered, opened a new train of suspicion 
that destroyed many of the principal families in 
Rome. The two most remarkable personages who 
fell on this occasion were Seneca, the philosopher, 
and Lucan the poet, who was his nephew. Nero, 
either having real testimony against him, or else 
hating him for his virtues, sent a tribune to Seneca, 
informing him that he was suspected as an accom- 
plice, ..,-.:«. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 239 

110. The tribune found the philosopher at table 
with Paulina his wife, and informing him of his 
business, Seneca replied without any emotion that 
his welfare depended upon no man ; — that he had 
never been accustomed to indulge the errours of the 
emperor, and would not do it now. When this an- 
swer was brought to Nero, he demanded whether 
Seneca seemed afraid to die. The tribune replying 
that he did not appear in the least terrified ; " Then 
" go to him again," cried the emperor, " and give 
" him my orders to die." 

111. Accordingly he sent a centurion to Seneca, 
signifying that it was the emperor's pleasure that he 
should die. Seneca seemed no way discomposed, 
and was not unmindful of his constancy. He en- 
deavoured to console his wife for his loss, and exhort 
her to a life of persevering virtue. But she seemed 
resolved on not surviving him and pressed her request 
to be with him so earnestly, that Seneca, who had 
long looked upon death as a benefit, at last gave his 
consent, and the veins of both their arms were opened 
at the same time. 

112. As Seneca was old, and much enfeebled by 
the austerities of his life, the blood flowed but slowly, 
so that he caused the veins of his legs and thighs to 
be opened also. His pains were long and violent, 
but they were not capable of repressing his fortitude 
or his eloquence. He dictated a discourse to two 
secretaries, which was read w T ith great avidity after 
his death, by Che people, but which has since perished 
in the wreck of time. 

113. His agonies being now drawn out to a great 
length, he at last demanded poison from his physi- 
cian; but this also failed of its effect, his body being 
already exhausted, and incapable of exciting its ope- 
ration. He was from this carried into a warm bath, 
which only served to prolong his end ; at length, 
therefore, he was put into a cry stove, the vapour of 
which quickly despatched him. In the mean time 



240 THE HISTORY OF THE 

hi* wife Paulina having fallen into a swoon with the 
loss of blood, had her arms bound up by her domes- 
tics, and by this means survived her husband for 
some years; but by her conduct during the rest of her 
life, she seemed always mindful of her own love and 
his example. 

114. The death of Lucan was not less remarkable. 
The veins of his arms being opened after he had lost 
a great quantity of blood, perceiving his hands and 
legs already dead, while the vital parts still continued 
warm and vigorous, he called to mind a description 
in his own poem of the Pharsalia, of a person dying 
in similar circumstances, and expired w T hile he was 
repeating that beautiful passage : 
" Nee sicut vulnere sanguis 
" Emicuit lentus. Ruptis cadit undique venis 

« Pars ultima trunci 

" Tradidit in cetum vacuos, vitalibus artus, 
" At tumidos qua pulmo jacet qua viscera fervent 
" Haeserunt ibi fata diu : Luctataque multum 
" Hac cum parte, viri vix omnia membra tulerunt." 
115. The death of Petronius about 
U. C. 817. this time is too remarkable to be past 
A. D. 66. over in silence. This person whom many 
modern historians suppose to be the 
author of a work of no great merit, entitled Satyri- 
con, which is still remaining, was an Epicurean both 
in principle and practice. In so luxurious a court 
as that of Nero, he was particularly noted for his re- 
finements in luxury. He was accused of being privy 
to Piso's conspiracy, and committed to prison. Pe- 
tronius could not endure the anxiety of suspense, 
wherefore he resolved upon putting himself to death, 
which he performed in a manner entirely similar to 
that in which he had lived. 

116. He opened his veins, and then closed them 
as he thought least painful, with the utmost cheerful- 
ness and tranquillity. He conversed with his friends, 
not upon maxims of philosophy or grave subjects, 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 241 

but upon such topics as had amused his gayest revels. 
He listened while they recited the brightest poems, 
and by no action, no word, nor circumstance, show- 
ed the perplexity of a dying person. Shortly after 
him Numicius Thermos was put to death, as like- 
wise Barea Soranus, and Paetus Thrasea. The de- 
stroying the two last, Tacitus calls an attack upon 
virtue itself. 

117. Thrasea died in the midst of his friends and 
philosophers, conversing and reasoning on the nature 
of the soul. His wife, who was the daughter of the 
celebrated Arria, was desirous of following her mo- 
ther's example, but he dissuaded her from it. The 
death of the valiant Corbulo, who had gained Nero 
so many victories over the Parthians, followed next. 
Nor did the empress Poppea herself escape, whom in 
a fit of anger, he kicked when she w r as pregnant, by 
which she miscarried and died. At length human 
nature grew weary of bearing her persecutor, and 
the whole w r orld seemed to rouse, as if by common 
consent, to rid the earth of a monster. 

118. Sergius Galba, who was at tiiat time gover- 
nor of Spain, was remarkable for his wisdom in peace, 
and his courage in war; but as all talents under corrupt 
princes are dangerous, he for some years had seemed 
willing to court obscurity, giving himself up to an 
inactive life, and avoiding all opportunity of signa- 
lizing his valour. 

119. But willing to rid his country of a monster, 
he accepted the invitation of Vindix to march with 
an army towards Rome. The reputation of that 
general was such, that, from the moment he declared 
against Nero, the tyrant considered himself as un- 
done. He received the account as he was at supper, 
and instantly struck with terrour, overturned the ta- 
ble with his foot, breaking two crystal vases of im- 
mense value. He then fell into a swoon, from which, 
when he recovered, he tore his clothes, and struck his 
head, crying out, " that he was utterly undone." 

21 L 



242 THE HISTORY OF THE 

120. He now. therefore, called for Locusta to fur- 
nish him with poison ; and thus prepared for the 
worst, he retired to the Civilian gardens with a re- 
solution of riving into Egypt. Being prevented in 
this, and the revolt becoming general, he went in 
person, from house to house, but all the doors were 
shut against him, and none were found to answer his 
inquiries. Being now reduced to a state of despera- 
tion, he desired that one of his favourite gladiators 
might come and despatch him ; but even in this re- 
quest there was none found to obey. " Alas !" 
cried he, " have I neither friend nor enemy ? ,s And 
then running desperately forth, seemed resolved to 
plunge headlong into the Tiber. 

121. But just then his courage beginning to fail him 
he made a sudden stop, as if willing to recollect his rea- 
son, and asked for some secret place, where he might re- 
assume his courage, and meet death with a becoming 
fortitude. In his distress, Phaon, one of his freedmen, 
offered him his country-house, about four miles dis- 
tant, where he might for some time remain concealed. 

122. Nero accepted his offer, and half dressed as 
he was, with his head covered, and hiding his face 
with his handkerchief, he mounted on horseback, at- 
tended by four of his domestics, of whom the wretch- 
ed Sporus was one. His journey though short, was 
crowded with adventures. An earthquake gave him 
the first alarm. The lightning from heaven next 
flashed in his face. Round him he heard nothing 
but confused noises from the camp, and the cries of 
the soldiers, imprecating a thousand evils upon his 
head. A passenger meeting him on the way, cried, 
" There go men in pursuit of Xero." Another asked 
bim if there was any news of Nero in the city. 

123. His horse taking fright at a dead body 
that lay on the road, he dropped his handkerchief, 
and a soldier who was near, addressed him by name. 
He now, therefore, quitted his horse, and, forsakiog 
the highway, entered a thicket that led towards the 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 243 

back part of Phaon's house, through which he crept, 
making the best of his way among the reeds and 
brambles, with which the place was overgrown. 

124. During this interval, the senate, finding the 
praetorian guards had taken part with Galba, decla- 
red him emperor, and condemned Nero to die, 
" more majorum ;" that is, according to the rigour of 
the ancient laws. When he was told of the resolu- 
tion of the senate against him, he asked the messen- 
ger what was meant by being punished according to 
the rigour of the ancient laws ? to this he was an- 
swered, that the criminal was to be stripped naked, 
his head was to be fixed in a pillory, and in that 
posture he was to be scourged to death. 

125. Nero was so terrified at this, that he seized 
two poignards which he had brought with him, and 
examining their points, returned them to their sheaths, 
pretending that the fatal moment was not yet arrived. 
He then desired Sporus to begin the lamentations 
which were used at funerals : he next entreated that 
some of his attendants would die, to give him cou- 
rage by his example ; and afterwards began to re- 
proach his own cowardice, crying out. u Does this 
" become Nero ? is this trifling well timed ? No 3 no, 
" let me be courageous." 

126. In fact he had no time to spare, for the sol- 
diers who had been sent in pursuit of him were just 
then approaching the house : wherefore, hearing the 
sound of the horses' feet, he set a dagger to his throat, 
with which by the assistance of Epaphroditus, his 
freedman and secretary, he gave himself a mortal 
wound. However, he was not yet quite dead when 
one of the centurions entering the room and preten- 
ding he came to his relief, attempted to stop the blood 
with his cloak. But Nero, regarding him with a 
stern countenance, said " It is now too late. Is this 
11 your fidelity?" Upon which with his eyes fixed, and 
frightfully staring, he expired, even in death a ghastly 
spectacle of innoxious tyranny. 



244 THE HISTORY OF THE 

127. He reigned thirteen years, seven months, and 
twenty-eight days, and died in the thirty-second year 
of his age. 

128. Galba was seventy-two years old 
U. C. 821. when he was declared emperor, and was 
A. D. 69. then in Spain with his legions. How- 
ever, he soon found that his being raised 
to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. He 
seemed to have three objects in view. To curb the 
insolence of the soldiers, to punish those vices which 
had come to an enormous height in the last reign, 
and to replenish the exchequer, which had been quiie 
drained by the prodigality of his predecessors. How- 
ever, permitting himself to be governed by favour- 
ites, he at one time showed himself severe and frugal, 
at another, remiss and prodigal, condemning some 
illustrious persons without any hearing, and pardon- 
ing others though guilty. 

129. In consequence of this, many seditions 
were kindled, and several factions promoted, in 
different parts of the empire, but particularly in 
Germany. 

130. Galba, being informed of these commotions, 
was sensible that besides his age, he was less re- 
spected for want of an heir. He resolved therefore 
to put what he had formerly designed in execution, 
and to adopt some person whose virtues might de- 
serve such advancement, and protect his declining 
age from danger. His favourites, understanding 
his determination, instantly resolved on giving him 
an heir of their own choosing ; so that there arose a 
great contention among them upon this occasion. 

,131. Otho made warm application for himself, al- 
ledging the great services he had done the emperor, 
as being the first man of note who came to his assis- 
tance when he had declared against Nero. However, 
Galba, being fully resolved to consult the public good 
alone, rejected his suit; and on a clay appointed, or- 
dered Piso Lucinianus to attend him. The character 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 245 

given by historians of Piso is that he was everyway 
worthy of the honour designed him. 

132. He was no way related to Galba, and had 
no other interest but merit to recommend him to his 
favour. Taking this youth therefore by the hand, 
in the presence of his friends, he adopted him to suc- 
ceed in the empire, giving him the most wholesome 
lessons for guiding his future conduct. 

133. Piso's conduct showed that he was highly 
deserving this distinction; in all his deportment there 
appeared such modesty, firmness, and equality of 
mind, as bespoke him rather capable of discharging, 
than ambitious of obtaining his present dignity. But 
the army and the senate did not seem equally disin- 
terested upon this occasion : they had been so long 
used to bribery and corruption, that they could now 
bear no emperor who was not in a capacity of satis- 
fying their avarice. The adoption therefore of Piso 
was but coldly received ; for his virtues were no re- 
commendation in a nation of universal depravity. 

134. Otho, who had long been a favourite of Gal- 
ba, and hoping to be adopted his successor in the 
empire, finding his hopes disappointed, and still fur- 
ther stimulated by the immense load of debts which 
he had contracted by his riotous way of living, re- 
solved upon obtaining the empire by force, since he 
could not by peaceable succession. Having corrupted 
the fidelity of the soldiers, he stole secretly from the 
emperor while he was sacrificing ; and assembling 
the soldiers, in a short speech, urged the cruelties, 
and the avarice of Galba. — 

135. Finding the invectives received with univer- 
sal shouts by the whole army, he entirely threw off 
the mask, and avowed his intentions of dethroning 
him. The soldiers, being ripe for sedition, immedi- 
ately seconded his views : and taking Otho upon 
their shoulders immediately declared him e.nperor ; 
and, to strike the citizens with terrour, carried him, 
with their swords drawn, into the camp. 

21* 



246 THE HISTORY OF THE 

136. Soon after, finding the emperor in some mea- 
sure deserted by his adherents, the soldiers rushed in 
upon him, trampling the crowds of people that then 
filled the forum under foot. — Galba, seeing them ap- 
proach, seemed to recollect all his former fortitude ; 
and bending his head forward, bid the assassins strike 
it off, if it were for the good of the people. This was 
quickly performed ; and his head being set upon the 
point of a lance, was presented to Otho, w r ho ordered 
it to be contemptuously carried round the camp, his 
body remaining unburied in the streets, till it was in- 
terred by one of his slaves. 

137. He died in the seventy-third year 
A. D. 69. of his age, after a short reign of seven 
months ; as illustrious by his own vir- 
tues as it was contaminated by the vices of his favour- 
ites, who shared in his downfall. Otho, who was 
now elected emperor, began his reign by a signal in- 
stance of clemency in pardoning Marius Celsus, who 
had been highly favoured by Galba ; and not con- 
tented with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the 
highest honours ; asserting, that " fidelity deserved 
" every reward." 

138. In the mean time, the legions in Lower Ger- 
many, having been purchased by the large gifts and 
specious promises of Vitellius their general, were at 
length induced to proclaim him emperor: and re- 
gardless of the senate, they declared that they had an 
equal right to appoint to that high station with the 
cohorts at Rome. 

139. Otho departed from Rome with all haste, to 
give Vitellius battle. The army of Vitellius, which 
consisted of seventy thousand men, was commanded 
by his generals Valens and Cecinna, he himself re- 
maining in Gaul in order to bring up the rest of his 
forces. Both sides hastened to meet each other with 
so much animosity and precipitation, that three con- 
siderable battles were fought in the space of three 
days. One near Placentia, another near Cremonia, 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 247 

and a third at a place called Castor; in all which 
Otho and the Romans had the advantage. 

140. Bat these successes were but of short lived 
continuance, for Valetis and Cecinna, who had 
hitherto acted separately, joining their forces, and 
reinforcing their armies with fresh supplies, resolved 
to come to a general engagement.— In this Otho's 
forces were totally overthrown, and he killed himself 
shortty after, having reigned three months and five 
days. 

141. Vitellius was immediately after 
declared emperor by the senate, and re- A. D. 70. 
ceived the marks of distinction which 

were now accustomed to follow the appointments of 
the strongest side. 

142. Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the 
city not as a place he came to govern with justice, 
but as a town that was become his own by the laws 
of conquest. 

143. Vitellius soon gave himself up to all kinds of 
luxury and profuseness ; but gluttony was his fa- 
vourite vice, so that he brought himself to an habit 
of vomiting in order to be able to renew T his meals at 
pleasure. His entertainments, though seldom at his 
own cost, were prodigiously expensive ; he frequently 
invited himself to the tables of his subjects, break- 
fasting with one, dining with another, and supping 
with a third, all in the same day. 

144. By the continuance of such vices, added to 
enormous cruelties, he became not only a burden to 
himself, but odious to all mankind. Thus, having 
become insupportable to the inhabitants of Rome, 
the legions of the east, who had at first acquiesced in 
his dominion, began to revolt, and shortly after 
unanimously resolved to make Vespasian emperor. 

145. During the preparations against him, Vitel- 
lius, though buried in sloth and luxury, was resolved 
to make an effort to defend the empire ; wherefore, 
his chief commanders, Valens and Cecinna, w r ere 



248 THE HISTORY OF THE 

ordered to make all possible preparations to resist 
the invaders. The first army that entered Italy, with 
an hostile intention, was under the command of An- 
tonius Primus, who was met by Cecinna near Cre- 
monia. A battle was expected to ensue, but a nego- 
tiation taking place, Cecinna was prevailed upon to 
change sides, and declare for Vespasian. 

146. His army, however, quickly repented of what 
they had done, and imprisoning their general, at- 
tacked Antonius though without a leader. The en- 
gagement continued during the whole night ; and in 
the morning, after a short repast, both armies enga- 
ged a second time; when the soldiers of Antonius, 
saluting the rising sun according to custom, the Vi- 
tellians, supposing that they had received new rein- 
forcements, betook themselves to flight, with the loss 
of thirty thousand men. 

147. In the mean time, Vitelline, who was wal- 
lowing in all kinds of luxury and excess, made offers 
to Vespasian of resigning the empire, provided hk 
life was spared, and a sufficient revenue allotted for 
his support. In order to enforce this request, he is- 
sued from his palace in deep mourning, with all his 
domestics weeping around him. He then went to 
offer the Sword of Justice to Becilius the consul, 
which he refusing, the abject emperor prepared to lay 
down the ensigns of empire in the temple of Concord ; 
but being interrupted by some who cried out that he 
himself was Concord, he resolved upon so weak an 
encouragement, still to maintain his power, and im- 
mediately prepared for his defence. 

148. During this fluctuation of councils, one Sa- 
binus, who had advised Vitellius to resign, perceiving 
his desperate situation, resolved, by a bold step to 
oblige Vespasian, and accordingly seized upon the 
capitol. But he was premature in his attempt; for 
the soldiers of Vitellius attacked him with great fury, 
and, prevailing by their numbers, soon laid' that 
beautiful building in ashes. During this dreadful 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 249 

conflagration Vitellius was feasting in the palace of 
Tiberius, and beholding all the horrors of the assault 
with great satisfaction. Sabinus was taken prisoner, 
and shortly after executed by the emperor's command. 
Young Domitian, his nephew, who was afterwards em- 
peror, escaped by flight in the habit of a priest, and 
all the rest who survived the fire were put to the sword. 

149. But Antonius, Vespasian's commander ar- 
riving before the walls of the city, the forces of Vi- 
tellius resolved upon defending it to the utmost ex- 
tremity. It was attacked on three sides with the 
utmost fury, while the army within sallying upon the 
besiegers, defended it wiih equal obstinacy. The 
battle lasted a whole day, till at last the besieged 
were driven into the city, and a dreadful slaughter 
made of them in all the streets which they vainly at- 
tempted to defend. 

150. Vitellius was soon found hidden in an obscure 
corner, from whence he was taken by a party of the 
conquering soldiers. Still, however, willing to add 
a few hours more to his miserable life, he begged to 
be kept in prison till the arrival of Vespasian at 
Rome, pretending that he had secrets of importance 
to discover. But his entreaties were vain, the sol- 
diers binding his hands behind him, and throwing an 
halter round his neck, led him along half naked into 
the public forum, upbraiding him as they proceeded, 
with all those bitter reproaches their malice could 
suggest, or his own cruelty might deserve. At length, 
being come to the place of punishment, they killed 
him with many blows ; and then dragging the dead 
body through the streets with an hook, they threw it, 
with all pos3ible ignominy, into the river Tiber. 

151. Vespasian was now declared em- 
peror by the unanimous consent both of A. D. 70. 
the senate and the army, and dignified 

with all those titles which now followed rather the 
power than th$ merit of those who were appointed to 
govern L 2 



250 THE HISTORY OF THE 

152. Having continued some months at Alexan- 
dria in Egypt where it is said he cured a blind and a 
lame man by touching them, he set out for Rome, 
giving his son Titus the command of the army that 
was to lay siege to Jerusalem, while he himself went 
forward, and w r as met many miles from Rome by al) 
the senate, and near half the inhabitants, who gave 
the sincerest testimonies of their joy in having an 
emperor of such great and experienced virtues. Nor 
did he in the least disappoint their expectations, be- 
ing equally assiduous in rewarding merit and pardon- 
ing his adversaries \ in reforming the manners of the 
citizens, and setting the best example in his own. 

153. In the mean time, Titus carried on the war 
against the Jews with vigour. This obstinate and 
infatuated people had long resolved to resist the Ro- 
man power, vainly hoping to find protection from 
Heaven, which their impieties had utterly offended. 
Their own historian represents them as arrived at the 
highest pitch of iniquity, while famines, earthquakes, 
and prodigies, all conspired to forewarn their ap- 
proaching ruin. Nor was it sufficient that heaven 
and earth seemed combined against them ; they had 
the most bitter dissentions among themselves, and 
were split into two parties, that robbed and destroyed 
each other with impunity, still pillaging, and at the 
same time boasting their zeal for the religion of their 
ancestors. 

154. At the head of one of those parties was an 
incendiary whose name w T as John. This fanatic af- 
fected sovereign power, and filled the whole city of 
Jerusalem, and all the towns around with tumult and 
pillage. In a short time, a new faction arose, head* 
ed by one Simon, who, gathering multitudes of rob- 
bers and murderers who had fled to the mountains, 
attacked many cities and towns, and reduced all 
ldumea into hi* power. 

155. Jerusalem at length became die theatre ; n 
which these two demagogues began to exercise their 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 251 

mutual animosity; John was possessed of the temple, 
while Simon was admitted into the city, both equally 
enraged against each other, while slaughter and de- 
vastation followed their pretensions. Thus did a 
city, formerly celebrated for peace and unity, become 
the seat of tumult and confusion. 

156. It was in this miserable situation that Titus 
began his operations within about six furlongs of the 
city of Jerusalem, during the feast of the Passover, 
when the place was filled with an infinite multitude 
of the people, who had come from all parts to cele- 
brate that great solemnity. The approach of the 
Romans produced a temporary reconciliation between 
the contending factions within the city ; so that they 
unanimously resolved to oppose the common enemy 
first, and then decide their domestic quarrels at a 
lnore convenient season. 

157. Their first sally, which was made with much 
fury and resolution, put the besiegers into great rHs- 
order and obliged them to abandon their camp and 
fly to the mountains. However, rallying immedi- 
ately after, the Jews were forced back into the city, 
while Titus in person showed surprising instances of 
valour and conduct. 

158. These advantages over the Romans only 
renewed in the besieged the desire of private revenge. 
A tumult ensued in the temple, in which sev eral of 
both parties were slain ; and in this manner upon 
every remission from without, the factions of John 
and Simon violently raged against each other within, 
agreeing only in their resolution to defend the city 
against the Romans. 

159. The city was strongly fortified by three 
walls on every side, except where it was fenced by 
deep vallies. Titus began by battering down the 
outward wall ; which, after much fatigue and danger, 
he effected, all the time showing the greatest clemen- 
cy to the Jews, and offering them repeated assurances 
of pardon. 



252 THE HISTORY OF THE 

160. Five days after the commencement of the 
siege, Titus broke through the second wall 3 and 
though driven back by the besieged, he recovered 
Lis ground, and made preparation for battering the 
third wall, which was their last defence. But first 
he sent Josephus, their countryman, into the city to 
exhort them to yield \ who using all his eloquence to 
persuade them, was only reviled with scoffs and 
reproaches. 

161. The siege was now therefore carried on with 
greater vigour than before ; several batteries, for 
engines were raised, which were no sooner built than 
destroyed by the enemy. At length it was resolved 
in council to surround the whole city with a trench 
and thus prevent all relief and succours from abroad. 
This, which was quickly executed, seemed no way 
to intimidate the Jews. Though famine, and pesti- 
lence, its necessary attendants, began to make the 
rrost horrid ravages among them, yet this desperate 
people still resolved to hold out. 

162. He now cut down all the woods within a 
considerable distance of the city, and causing more 
batteries to be raised, he at length battered down the 
wall, and in five days entered the citadel by force. 
The Jews, however, continued to deceive themselves 
with absurd and false expectations, while many false 
prophets deluded the multitude, declaring they should 
soon have assistance from God. The heat of the 
battle was now therefore gathered round the inner 
wall of the temple, while the defendants desperately 
combatted from the top. 

163. Titus was willing to save this beautiful struc- 
ture; but a soldier casting a brand into some adja- 
cent buildings, the fire communicated to the temple ; 
and notwithstanding the utmost endeavours on both 
sides, the edifice was quickly consumed. The sight 
of the temple in ruins effectually served to damp the 
ardour of the Jews. They now began to perceive 
that heaven had forsaken them, while their cries and 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 25S 

lamentations echoed from the adjacent mountains. 
Even those who were almost expiring lifted up their 
dying eyes to bewail the loss of their temple, which 
they valued more than life itself. 

164. The most resolute, however, still endeavoured 
to defend the upper and strongest part of the city, 
named Sion ; but Titus, with his battering engines, 
soon made himself entire master of the place. John 
and Simon were taken from the vaults where they 
had concealed themselves; the former was condemned 
to perpetual imprisonment, and the latter reserved to 
grace the conqueror's triumph. 

165. The greatest part of the populace were put 
to the sword, and the city w r as, after a six month's 
siege entirely razed by the plough ; sj that according 
to our Saviour's prophecy, not one stone remained 
upon another. The numbers who perished in this 
siege, according to Josephus, amounted to above a 
million of souls, and the captives to almost a hundred 
thousand. 

166. Upon the taking of Jerusalem, his soldiers 
would have crow r ned Titus as a conqueror, but he 
modestly refused the honour, alledging that he was 
only an instrument in the hand of Herven, that 
manifestly declared its wrath against the Jews. At 
Rome, however, all men's mouths w r ere filled with 
the praises of the conqueror, who had not only shown 
himself an excellent general, but a courageous com- 
batant : his return therefore in triumph, which he did 
with Lis father, was marked with all the magnificence 
and joy that was in the power of men to express. 
All things that were esteemed valuable or beautiful 
among men were brought to adorn this great oc- 
casion. 

167. Among the rich spoils were exposed vast 
quantities of gold taken out of the temple ; but the 
Book of the Holy Law was not the least remarkable 
among the magnificent profusion. This was the 
first time that ever Rome saw the father and the son 

22 



254 THE HISTORY OF THE 

triumph together. A triumphal arch was erected 
upon this occasion, on which were described all the 
victories of Titus over the Jews, which remains 
almost entire to this very day. Vespasian likewise 
built a temple to Peace, wherein were deposited most 
of the Jewish spoils; and having now calmed all 
commotions in every part of the empire, he shut up 
the temple of Janus which had been open about five 
or six years, 

1GS. Few emperors have received a better charac- 
ter from historians than Vespasian, yet all his nume- 
rous acts of generosity and magnificence could not 
preserve his character from the imputation of rapacity 
and avarice. He descended to some very unusual 
and dishonourable imposts, even the laying a tax 
upon urine. When his son Titus remonstrated 
against the meanness of such a tax, Vespasian, 
taking a piece of money, demanded if the smell 
offended him, adding, that this very money was pro- 
duced by urine. 

169. Notwithstanding, having reigned ten years, 
loved by his subjects, and deserving their affection, 
he was surprised with an indisposition at Campania, 
which from the beginning he declared would be fatal ; 
and perceiving his end approaching, as he was just 
going to expire, he cried out, that an emperor ought 
to die standing ; wherefore, raising himself upon his 
feet, he expired in the hands of those that sustained him. 
170. Titus being joyfully received 

A. D. 79. as emperor, began to reign with the 
practice of every virtue that became a 
sovereign and a man. During the life of his father there 
had been many imputations against him, both for cruel- 
ty, lust, and prodigality; but upon his exaltation to the 
throne, he seemed entirely to take leave of his former 
vices, and became an example of the greatest mode- 
ration and humanity. His first step towards gain- 
ing the affections of his subjects was his moderating 
his passions, and bridling his strong inclinations. He 




EMPIRE OF ROME. 255 

Irad long loved Beruice, sister to Agrippa, king of 
Judea, a woman of the greatest beauty and the most 
refined allurements. 

171. But knowing that the connexion with her 
was entirely disagreeable to the people of Rome, he 
gained a victory over his affections, and sent her 
away, notwithstanding their mutual passion, and the 
many arts she used to induce him to change his re- 
solutions. He next discarded all those who had 
been the former ministers of his pleasures, and fore- 
bore to countenance the companions of his looser re- 
creations, though he had formerly taken great pains 
in the selection. This moderation, added to his jus- 
tice -and generosity, procured him the love of all good 
men, and the appellation of the delight of mankind, 
which all his actions seemed calculated to ensure. 

172. Titus took particular care to punish all in- 
formers, false witnesses, and promoters of dissention. 
Those wretches, who had their ris£ in the licentious- 
ness and impunity of former reigns, were now be- 
come so numerous that their crimes called loudly for 
punishment. Of these therefore he daily made pub- 
lic examples, condemning them to be scourged in 
the most public streets, next to be dragged through 
the theatre, and then to be banished into the unin- 
habited parts of the empire, or sold as slaves. 

173. His courtesy and readiness to do good have 
been celebrated even by christian writers, his princi • 
pal rule being never to send any petitioner dissatis- 
fied away. One night, recollecting that he had done 
nothing Leneficial to mankind the day preceding- he 
cried out, among his friends, " I have lost a day !" 
a sentence too remarkable not to be universally known* 

174. Learning that two noblemen had conspired 
against him, he readily forgave them ; and the next 
day, placing them next himself in the theatre, he put 
the swords w ; th which the gladiators fought into 
their hands, demanding their judgment and appro- 
bation whether they were of sufficient length. 



256 THE HISTORY OF THE 

175. In this reign an eruption of Mount Vesuvius 
did considerable damage, overwhelming many towns, 

'and throwing its ashes into countries more than an 
hundred miles distant. — Upon this memorable occa- 
sion, Pliny the naturalist, lost his life; for, being im- 
pelled by too eager a curiosity to observe the erup- 
tion, he was suffocated in the flames. — There hap- 
pened also about this time a fire at Rome, which 
continued three days and nights successively, being 
followed by a plague, in which ten thousand men 
were buried in a day. — The emperor, however, did 
all that lay in his power to repair the damages sus- 
tained by the public ; and, with respect to the city, 
declared that he would take the whole loss of that 
upon himself. 

176. These disasters were in some measure coun- 
terbalanced by the successes in Britain under Agrico- 
la. This excellent general having been sent into that 
country towards the latter end of Vespasian's reign, 
showed himself equally expert in quelling the refrac- 
tory, and civilizing those who had formerly submit- 
ted to the Roman power. The Ordovices, or inha- 
bitants of North Wales, were the first that were 
subdued. — He then made a descent upon Mona, or 
the island of Anglesey, which surrendered at dis- 
cretion. 

177. Having thus rendared himself master of the 
vhole country, he took every method to restore 
discipline to his own army, and to introduce some 
share of politeness among those whom he had con- 
quered. — He exhorted them, both by advice and ex- 
ample, to build temples, theatres, and stately houses. 
He caused the sons of their nobility to be instructed 
in the liberal arts ; he had them taught the Latin 
language, and induced them to imitate the Roman 
modes of dress and living. 

178. Thus by degrees, this barbarous people began 
to assume the luxurious manner of their conquerors, 
and in some time even to outdo them in all the re - 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 257 

finements of sensual pleasures. Upon account of 
these successes in Britain, Titus was saluted empera- 
tor the fifteenth timej but he did not long survive 
this honour, being surprised by a violent fever at a 
little distance from Rome. He expired shortly after, 
but not without suspicion of treachery from his bro- 
ther Domitian, who had long wished to govern. His 
death was in the forty-first year of his age, having 
reigned two years, two months, and twenty days. 

179. The beginning of Domitian's 

reign was universally acceptable to the A. D. 81. 
people, as he appeared equally remark- 
able for his clemency, liberality and justice. 

180. But he soon began to show the natural de- 
formity of his mind. Instead of cultivating literature, 
as his father and brother had done, lie neglected all 
kinds of study, addicting himself wholly to meaner 
pursuits, particularly archery and gaming. He was 
so very expert an archer, that he w r ould frequently 
cause one of his slaves to stand at a great distance, with 
his hands spread as a mark, and would shoot his arrows 
with such exactness as to stick them all between his 
fingers. He instituted three sorts of contests to be 
observed every five years in music, horsemanship, 
and wrestling : but at the same time he banished all 
philosophers and mathematicians from Rome. 

181. No emperor before him entertained the people 
with such various and expensive shows. During 
these diversions he distributed great rewards, sitting 
as president himself, adorned with a purple robe and 
crown, with the priests of Jupiter, and the college of 
Flavian priests about him. The meanness of his oc- 
cupations in solitude, was just a contrast to his exhi- 
bitions of public ostentation. He usually spent his 
hours of retirement in catching flies, and sticking 
them through with a bodkin ; so that one of his ser- 
vants being asked if the emperor were alone ; an- 
swered, that he had not so much as a fly to bear him 
company. ^ 



258 THE HISTORY OF THE 

182. His vices seemed every day to increase with 
the duration of his reign. His ungrateful treatment 
of Agricola seemed the first symptom of his natural 
malevolence. Domitian was always particularly fond 
of obtaining a military reputation, and therefore jea- 
lous of it in others. He had marched sometime be- 
fore into Gaul, upon a pretended expedition against 
the Catti, a people of German}', and, without ever 
seeing the enemy, resolved to have the honour of a 
triumph upon his return to Rome. For that purpose 
he purchased a number of slaves, whom he dressed 
in German habits, and at the head of this military 
procession, entered the city amidst the apparent ac- 
clamations and concealed contempt of all his subjects. 

183. The successes therefore of Agricola in Britain 
affected him with an extreme degree of envy . This 
admirable general pursued the advantages which he 
had already obtained. He subdued the Caledonians, 
and overcame Galgacus the British chief, at the head 
of thirty thousand men ; and afterwards sending out 
a fleet to scour the coast, first discovered Great Bri- 
tain to be an island. He likewise discovered and 
subdued the Orkneys, and thus reduced the whole 
into a civilized province of the Roman empire. 

184. When the account of these successes was 
brought to Domitian, he received it with a seeming 
pleasure, but real uneasiness. He thought Agrico- 
la's rising reputation a tacit reproach upon his own 
inactivity ; and, instead of attempting to emulate, he 
resolved to suppress the merit of his services. He 
ordered him therefore external marks of approbation, 
and took care that triumphant ornaments, statues and 
other honours should be decreed him ; but at the same 
time he removed him from his command, under a 
pretence of appointing him to the government of 
Syria. 

1S5. By these means Agricola surrendered up his 
province to Salustius Lucullus, but soon found that 
Syria was otherwise disposed of. Upon his return 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 259 

to Rome, which was privately, and by night, he was 
cooly received by the emperor ; and dying sometime 
after in retirement, it was supposed by some that his 
end was hastened by Domitian's direction. Domi- 
tian soon after found the want of so experienced a 
commander in the many irruptions of the barbarous 
nations that surrounded the empire. The Sarma- 
tians in Europe, joined with those of Asia made a for- 
midable invasion, at once destroying a whole legion 
and a general of the Romans. 

188. The Dacians, under the conduct of Deceba- 
lus their king, made an irruption, and overthrew the 
Romans in several engagements. At last, however, 
the barbarians were repelled, partly by force, and 
partly by the assistance of money, which only served 
to enable them to make future invasions with greater 
advantage. But in whatever manner the enemy might 
have been repelled, Domitian was resolved not to lose 
the honours of a triumph. He returned in great splen- 
dour to Rome ; and not contented w 7 ith thus triumph- 
ing twice without a victory, he resolved to take the 
surname of Germanicus for his conquests over a peo- 
ple with whom he never contended. 

187. In proportion as the ridicule increased 
against him, his pride seemed every day to demand 
greater homage. He w r ould permit his statues to be 
made only of gold and silver ; he assumed to himself 
divine honours, and ordered that all men should treat 
him with the same appellations which they gave to 
the divinity. His cruelty was not behind his arro- 
gance : he caused numbers of the most illustrious se- 
nators and others to be put to death upon the most 
trifling pretences. One iElius Lama was condem- 
ned and executed only for jesting, though there was 
neither novelty nor poignancy in his humour. 

188. Cocceanus was murdered only for celebra- 
ting the nativity of Otho. Pomposianus shared the 
same fate, because it was foretold by an astrologer 
that he should be emperor. — Sullustius Lucullus his 



m THE HISTORY OF THE 

lieutenant in Britain was destroyed only for having 
given his name to a new sort of lances of his own in- 
vention. Junius Rusticus died for publishing a book, 
in which he commended Thrasea and Priscus two 
philosophers, who opposed Vespasian's coming to the 
throne. 

189. Lucius Antonius, governor of Upper Germa- 
ny, knowing how much the emperor was detested at 
home, resolved upon striking for the throne, and ac- 
cordingly assumed the ensigns of imperial dignity. 
As he was at the head of a formidable army, his suc- 
cess remained a long time doubtful; but a sudden 
overflowing of the Rhine dividing his army, he was 
set upon at that juncture by Normandus the emperor's 
general, and totally routed. The news of this victo- 
ry we are told, was brought to Rome by supernatural 
means on the same day that the battle was fought. 

190. Domitian's severity was greatly increased by 
this short lived success. In order to discover those 
who were accomplices with the adverse party, he in- 
vented new tortures, sometimes cutting off the hands, 
at other times thrusting fire into the privities of those 
whom he suspected of being his enemies. During 
his severities he aggravated his guilt by hypocrisy, 
never pronouncing sentence without a preamble full 
of gentleness and mere}'. The night before he cru- 
cified the comptroller of his household he treated him 
with the most seeming friendship, and ordered him 
a dish of meat from his own table. 

191. He carried Aretinus Clemens with him in his 
own litter the day he had concluded upon his death. 
He was particularly terrible to the senate and no- 
bility, the whole body of whom he frequently threat- 
ened to extirpate entirely. At one time he surround- 
ed the senate house with his troops to the great 
consternation of the senators. 

192. At another, he resolved to amuse himself with 
their terrours in a different manner. Having invited 
them to a public entertainment, he received them all 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 261 

very formally at the entrance of his palace, and con- 
ducted them into a spacious hall hung round with 
black, and illuminated by a few melancholy lamps 
that diffused light only sufficient to show the horrors 
of the place. All around were to be seen nothing 
but coffins, with the names of each of the senators 
written upon them, together with other objects of 
terrour, and instruments of execution. 

193. While the company beheld all these prepara- 
tions with silent agony, several men having their 
bodies blackened, each with a drawn sword in one 
hand, and a flaming torch in the other, entered the 
hall and danced round them. After some time, when 
the guests expected nothing less than the most instant 
death, well knowing Domitian's capricious cruelty, 
the doors were set open, and one of the servants came 
*o inform them that the emperor gave all the company 
*eave to withdraw. 

194. These cruelties were rendered still more odi- 
ous by his lust and avarice. Frequently after presi- 
ding at an execution, he would retire with the lewdest 
prostitutes, and use the same baths which they did. 
The last part of the tyrant's reign was more insup- 
portable than any of the preceding. Nero exercised 
his cruelties without being a spectator ; but a princi- 
pal part of the Roman miseries, during his reign, 
was to see and be seen ; to behold the stern air and 
fiery visage of the tyrant, which he had armed 
against blushing by continued intemperance, direct- 
ing the tortures, and maliciously pleased with adding 
poignance to every agony. 

195. But a period was soon to be put to this mon- 
ster's cruelties. Among the number of those whom 
he at once caressed and suspected, was his wife Do- 
mitia, whom he had taken from iElius Lama, her 
former husband. It was the tyrant's method to put 
down the names of all such as he intended to destroy, 
in his tablets which he kept about him, with great 
circumspection. Domilia fortunately happening to 



262 THE HISTORY OF THE 

get a sight of them, was struck at finding her own 
name in the catalogue of those fated to destruction. 

196. She showed the fatal list to Norbanus and 
Petronius, praefects of the praetorian bands, who 
found themselves set down; as likewise to Stepnanus, 
the comptroller of the household, who came into the 
conspiracy with alacrity. They fixed upon the 
eighteenth day of September, for the completion of 
their great attempt. 

197. Upon preparing to go to the bath on the 
morning of that day, Petronius, his chamberlain, 
came to inform him that Stephanus, the comptroller 
of the household, desired to speak to him upon an 
affair of the utmost importance. The emperor hav- 
ing given orders that his attendants should retire, 
Stephanus entered with his hand in a scarf, which 
he had worn thus for some days, the better to conceal 
a dagger, as none were permitted to approach the 
emperor with arms. 

198. He began by giving information of a pre- 
tended conspiracy, and exhibited a paper in which 
the particulars were specified. While Domitian was 
reading the contents with an eager curiosity, Stepha- 
nus drew the dagger, and struck him in the groin. 
The wound not being mortal, Domitian caught hold 
of the assassin and threw him upon the ground, call- 
ing out for assistance. But Parthenius, with his 
freedman, a gladiator, and two subaltern officers, 
now coming in, they ran all furiously upon the em- 
peror, and despatched him with seven wounds. 

199. It is almost incredible what some writers re- 
late concerning Apollonius Tyaneus, who was then at 
Ephenus. This person, whom some call a magician, 
and some a philosopher, but who more probably was 
nothing more than an impostor, was, just at the 
minute in which Domitian was slain, lecturing in one 
of the public gardens of the city. — But stopping 
shoit, all of a sudden he cried out, " Courage, Ste- 

1 phanus, strike the tyrant." And then, after a pause, 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 263 

* rejoice, my friends, the tyrant dies this day ; this 
" day, do I say! the very moment in which I kept 
" silence he suffers for his crimes ; he dies !" 

200. Many more prodigies were said to have por- 
tended his death, but the fate of such a monster seem- 
ed to produce more preternatural disturbances, and 
more predictions than it deserved. The truth seems 
to be, that a belief in omens and prodigies was again 
become prevalent ; the people were again relapsing 
into pristine barbarity : a country of ignorance is 
ever the proper soil for an harvest of imposture. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

T%e jive good Emperors of Rome. 
[A. D. 96.] 

1. WHEN it was publicly known that Domitian 
was slain, the senate began to load his memory with 
every reproach. His statues were commanded to be 
taken down, and a decree was made, that all his 
inscriptions should be erased, his name struck out of 
the registers of Fame, and his funeral omitted. The 
people, who now took little part in the affairs of 
government, looked on his death with indifference ; 
the soldiers alone, whom he had loaded with favours, 
and enriched by largesses, sincerely regretted their 
benefactor. 

2. The senate therefore resolved to provide a suc- 
cessor, before the army could have an opportunity of 
taking the appointment upon themselves; and Coc- 
ceius Nerva was chosen to the empire the very day 
on which the tyrant was slain. He was of an illus- 
trious family, as most say, by birth a Spaniard, and 
above sixty-five years old when he was called to the 
throne. He was at that time the most remarkable 
man in Rome, for his virtues, moderation, and respect 



264 THE HISTORY OF THE 

to the laws; and he owed his exaltation to the blame- 
less conduct of his former life. 

3. The people, being long accustomed to tyranny, 
regarded Nerva's gentle reign with rapture, and even 
gave his imbecility (for humanity was carried too far 
for justice) the name of benevolence. Upon coming 
to the throne, he solemnly swore that no senator of 
Rome should be put to death by his command, dur- 
ing his reign, though they gave ever so just a cause. 
This oath he so religiously observed, that when two 
senators had conspired his death, he used no kind of 
severity against them; but sending for them, to let 
them see he was not ignorant of their designs, he 
carried them with him to the public theatre : there, 
presenting each a dagger, he desired them to strike, 
as he was determined not to ward off the blow. 

4. During his short reign he made several ^ood 
laws. He particularly prohibited the castration of 
male children ; which had been likewise condemned 
by his predecessor, but not wholly removed. He put 
all those slaves to death, who had during the last 
reign informed against their masters. He permitted 
no statues to be erected to his honour, and converted 
such of Domitian's as had been spared by the senate 
into money. He sold many rich robes, and much 
of the splendid furniture of the palace, and retrenched 
several unreasonable expenses at court. 

5. At the same time he had so little regard for 
money, that when one of his subjects found a large 
treasure, and wrote to the emperor how to dispose of 
it, he received for answer that he might use it ; but 
the finder still informing the emperor, that it was a 
fortune too large for a private person, Nerva, admir- 
ing his honesty, wrote him word that then he might 
abuse it. 

6. A life of such generosity and mildness was not 
however without its enemies. Vigilius Rustis, who 
had opposed him, was not only pardoned, but made 
his colleague in the consulship. Calpurnius Crassus 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 265 

also with some others, formed a conspiracy to destroy 
him ; but he rested satisfied with banishing those who 
were culpable, though the senate were for inflicting 
more rigorous punishments. But the most dangerous 
insurrection against his interests was from the praetorian 
bands, who, headed by Casparius Olianus, insisted 
upon revenging the late emperor's death, whose me- 
mory was still dear to them from his frequent liberalities. 

7. Nerva, whose kindness to good men rendered 
him more obnoxious to the vicious, did all in his 
power to stop the progress of this insurrection ; he 
presented himself to the mutinous soldiers, and open- 
ing his bosom, desired them to strike there, rather 
than be guilty of so much injustice. — The soldiers, 
however, paid no regard to his remonstrances, but 
seizing upon Petronius and Parthenius, slew them in 
the most ignominious manner. Not content with 
this, they even compelled the emperor to approve of 
their sedition, and to make a speech to the people, in 
which he thanked the cohorts for their fidelity. 

8. So disagreeable a constraint upon the empe- 
ror's inclinations was, in the end, attended with the 
most happy effects, as it caused the adoption of Tra- 
jan to succeed him. For perceiving that, in the pre- 
sent turbulent disposition of the times, he stood in 
need of an assistant in the empire, setting aside all 
his own relations, he fixed upon Ulpius Trajan, an utter 
stranger to his family, who was then governor in 
Upper Germany, as his successor. And in about 
three months after, having put himself into a violent 
passion with one Regulus a senator, he was seized 
with a fever, of which he died, after a short reign of 
one year, four months, and nine days. 

9. He was the first foreign emperor who reigned 
in Rome, and justly reputed a prince of great gene- 
rosity and moderation. He is also celebrated for his 
wisdom, though with less reason, the greatest instance 
he gave of it during his reign being the choice of his 
successor. 

23 M 



266 THE HISTORY OF THE 

10. Trajan's family was originally 

U. C. 851. from Italy, but he himself was born at 
A. D. 98. Seville in Spain. Upon being inform- 
ed of the death of Nerva, he prepared 
to return to Rome from Germany, where he was go- 
vernor : and one of the first lectures he received upon 
his arrival was from Plutarch, the philosopher, who 
had the honour of being his master, and is said to 
have written him a letter to the following purpose. 

11. " Since your merits, and not your importuni- 
ties, have advanced you to the empire, permit me 
to congratulate your virtues and my own fortune. 
If your future government prove answerable to 
your former worth, I shall be happy ; but if you 
become worse for power, yours will be the danger, 
and mine the ignominy of }~our conduct. The 
errours of the pupil will be charged upon his in- 
structor. Seneca is reproached for the enormities 
of Nero ; and Socrates and Quintillian have not 
escaped censure for the misconduct of their respec- 
tive scholars. But you have it in your power to 
make me the most honoured of men, by continuing 
what you are. Continue the command of your 
passions, and make virtue the scope of all your ac- 
tions. If you follow these instructions, then will 
I glory in my having presumed to give them ; if 
you neglect what I offer, then will this letter be my 
testimony that you have not erred through the 
counsel and authority of Plutarch." 

12. I have inserted this letter, whether genuine or 
not, because it seems to me well written, and a strik- 
ing picture of this great philosopher's manner of 
addressing that best of princes. 

13. This good monarch's application to business, 
his moderation to his enemies, his modesty in exalta- 
tion, his liberality to the deserving, and his frugality 
in his own expenses have all been the subject of pa- 
negyric among his contemporaries ; and they conti- 
nue to be the admiration of posterity. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 267 

14. Upon giving the prsefect of the praetorian 
bands the sword, according to custom, he made use 
of this remarkable expression : " Take this sword, 
" and use it, if I have merit, for me: if otherwise, 
" against me." After which he added, that he who 
gave laws was the first who was bound to observe 
them. 

15. The first war he was engaged in after his com- 
ing to the throne was with the Dacians, who during 
the reign of Domitian, had committed numberless 
ravages upon the provinces of the empire. He there- 
fore raised a powerful army, and w 7 ith great expedi- 
tion marched into those barbarous countries, where 
he was vigorously opposed by Decebalus, the Dacian 
king, who for a long time withstood his boldest efforts. 

16. At length, however, this monarch being con- 
strained to come to a general battle, and no longer 
able to protract the war, he was routed with great 
slaughter, though not without great loss to the con- 
querors. The Roman soldiers upon this occasion 
wanting linen to bind up their wounds, the emperor 
tore his own robes to supply them. This victory 
compelled the enemy to sue for peace, which they 
obtained upon very disadvantageous terms; their 
king coming into the Roman camp, and acknowledg- 
ing himself a vassal of the Roman empire. 

17. Upon Trajan's return, after the usual triumphs 
and rejoicings upon such an occasion were over, he 
w r as surprised with an account that the Dacians had 
renewed hostilities. Decebalus their king was now 
therefore a second time adjudged an enemy to the 
Roman state, and Trajan invaded his dominions with 
an army equal to that with which he had before sub- 
dued him. But Decebalus, now grown more cautious 
by his former defeat, used every art to avoid coming to 
an engagement. He also put various stratagems in 
practice to distress the enemy ; and at one time Trajan 
himself was in danger of being slain or taken. 

18. He also took Longinus, one of the Roman 



268 THE HISTORY OF THE 

generals prisoner, and threatened to kill him in case 
Trajan refused granting him terms of peace. But 
the emperor replied, that peace and war had not 
their dependence upon the safety of one subject only } 
wherefore Longinus some time after destroyed him- 
self by a voluntary death. The fate of this general 
seemed to give new vigour to Trajan's operations. — 
In order to be better enabled to invade the enemy's 
territories at pleasure, he undertook a most stupen- 
dous work, which was no less than building a bridge 
across the Danube. 

19. This amazing structure, which was built over 
a deep, broad, and rapid river, consisted of more 
than twenty-two arches, an hundred and fifty feet 
high, and an hundred and seventy broad: the ruins 
of this structure, which remain to this day, show 
modern architects how far they were surpassed by the 
ancients, both in the greatness and the boldness of 
their designs. 

20. Upon finishing this work, Trajan continued 
the war, with great vigour, sharing with the meanest 
of his soldiers the fatigues of the campaign, and con- 
tinually encouraging them to their duty by his own 
example. By these means, notwithstanding the 
country was spacious and uncultivated, and the in- 
habitants brave and hardy, he subdued the whoje, 
and added the kingdom of Dacia as a province to 
the Roman empire. 

21. Decebalus made some attempts to escape ; but 
being surrounded on every side, he at last slew him- 
self, and his head was sent immediately to Rome to 
certify his misfortune there. These successes seemed 
to advance the empire to a greater degree of splen- 
dour than it had hitherto acquired. Ambassadors 
were seen to come from the interior parts of India, 
to congratulate Trajan's success, and bespeak his 
friendship. At his return to Rome, he entered the 
city in triumph; and the rejoicings for his victories 
lasted for the space of an hundred and twenty days. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 269 

22. Having given peace and prosperity to the em- 
pire, he continued his reign, loved, honoured, and 
almost adored by his subjects. He adorned the city 
with public buildings : he freed it from such men as 
lived bv their vices; he entertained persons of merit 
with the utmost familiarity; and so little feared his 
enemies, that he could scarcely be induced to suppose 
he had any. 

23. It had been happy for this great prince's me- 
mory, if he had shown equal clemency 

to all his subjects ; but about the ninth U. C. 860. 
year of his reign, he was persuaded to A. D. 107. 
look upon the Christians with a suspi- 
cious eye, and great numbers of them were put to 
death, as well by popular tumults as by edicts and 
judicial proceedings. However, the persecution 
.ceased after some time ; for the emperor having ad- 
vice from Pliny, the proconsul in Bithynia, of the 
innocence and simplicity of the Christians, and of 
their inoffensive and moral way of living, he sus- 
pended their punishments. 

24. During this emperor's reign, there was a 
dreadful insurrection of the Jews in all parts of the 
empire. This wretched people, still infatuated and 
ever expecting some signal deliverance, took the 
advantage of Trajan's absence in the east, in an ex- 
pedition he had undertaken against the Armenians 
and Parthians, to massacre all the Greeks and Ro- 
mans which they got into their power without reluc- 
tance or mercy. 

25. This rebellion first began in Cyrene, a Ro- 
man province in Africa : from thence the flames ex- 
tended to Egypt, and next to the island of Cyprus. 
These places they in a manner dispeopled with un- 
governable fury. Their barbarities were such tivat 
they ate the flesh of their enemies, wore their skins, 
sawed them asunder, cast them to wild beasts, made 
them kill each other, and studied new torments by 
which to destroy them. 

23* 



I 

270 THE HISTORY OF THE 

26. However, these cruelties were of no long du- 
ration ; the governors of the respective provinces 
making head against their tumultuous fury, soon 
treated them with a retaliation of cruelty, and put 
them to death, not as human beings, but as outrageous 
pests to society. As the Jews had practised their 
cruelties in Cyprus particularly, a law was publicly 
enacted, by which it w T as made capital for any Jew 
to set foot on the island. 

27. During these bloody transactions, Trajan was 
prosecuting his successes in the east, where he carried 
the Roman arms farther than they had ever been 
before ; but resolving to return jnce more to Rome, 
he found himself too w r eak to proceed in his usual 
manner. He therefore ordered himself to be carried 
on shipboard to the city of Salencia, where he died 

of the apoplexy, having been attacked 
A. D. 117. by that disorder once before, in the 
sixty-third year of his age, after a reign 
of nineteen years, six months, and fifteen days. 

28. Adrian, who was nephew to Trajan was 
adopted to succeed in the empire, and elected by all 
orders of the state though absent from Rome, being 
then at Antioch, as general of the forces in the 
east. 

29. Upon his election, he began to pursue a course 
quite opposite to that of his predecessor, taking 
every method of declining w r ar, and promoting the 
arts of peace. He was quite satisfied with preserving 
the ancient limits of the empire, and seemed no way 
ambitious of extensive conquest. 

30. Adrian w r as one of the most remarkable of 
the Roman emperors for the variety of his endow- 
ments ; he was highly skilful in all the accomplish- 
ments both of body and mind ; he composed with 
great beauty, both in prose and verse; he pleaded 
at the bar, and was one of the best orators of his 
time : nor were his moral virtues less than his accom- 
plishments. His moderation and clemency appeared 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 271 

by pardoning the injuries which he had received 
when he was yet but a private man. 

31. One day, meeting a person who had formerly 
been his most inveterate enemy, " my good friend," 
cried he, " you have escaped, for I am made empe- 
" ror." He was affable to his friends, and gentle 
to persons of meaner stations ; relieved their wants, 
and visited them in sickness ; it being his constant 
maxim, that he was an emperor, not elected for his 
own good, but for the benefit of mankind. 

32. These were his virtues, which were contracted 
by a strange mixture of vices ; or, to say the truth, 
he wanted strength of mind to preserve his general 
rectitude of character without deviation. 

33. He was scarce settled on the throne when se- 
veral of the northern barbarians, the Alani, the Sar- 
matians, and the Dacians, began to make devasta- 
tions on the empire. These hardy nations, who now 
found the way to conquer, by issuing from their 
forests, and then retiring upon the approach of a 
superiour force opposing them, began to be truly 
formidable to Rome. 

34. Adrian had thoughts of contracting the limits 
of the empire, by giving up some of the most remote 
and least defensible provinces ; but in this he was 
overruled by his friends, who wrongly imagined that 
.an extensive frontier would intimidate an invading 
enemy. But though he complied with their remon- 
strances, he broke down the bridge over the Danube 
which his predecessor had built, sensible that the 
same passage which was open to him was equally 
convenient to the incursions of his barbarous neigh- 
bours. 

35. Having staid a short time at Rome, so as to 
see that all things were regulated and established for 
the safety of the public, he prepared to visit, and take 
a view of his whole empire. It was one of his max- 
ims, that an emperor ought to imitate the su. v which 
diffused warmth and vigour over all parts of the 



272 THE HISTORY OF THE 

earth. He therefore took with him a splendid court, 
and a considerable force, and entered the province of 
Gaul where he numbered all the inhabitants. 

38. From Gaul he went into Germany, from thence 
to Holland, and then passed over into Britain ; there 
reforming many abuses, and reconciling the natives 
to the Romans. For the better security of the 
southern parts of the kingdom, he built a wall of 
wood and earth, extending from the river Eden in 
Cumberland, to the Tyne in Northumberland, to 
prevent the incursions of the Picts, and other barba- 
rous nations to the north. 

37. From Britain returning through Gaul, he 
directed his journey to Spain, where he was received 
with great joy, as being a native of that country. — 
There, wintering in the city of Tarragona, he called 
a meeting of all the deputies from the provinces, and 
ordained many things for the benefit of the nation. 
From Spain, returning to Rome, he continued there 
for some time, in order to^prepare for his journey 
into the east, which was hastened by a new invasion 
of the Parthians. 

38. His approach compelling the enemy to peace, 
he pursued his travels without molestation. Arriving 
in Asia Minor, he turned out of his way to visit the 
famous city of Athens. There, making a consider- 
able stay, he was initiated into the Elusinian myste- 
ries, which were accounted most sacred in the Pagan 
mythology, and took upon him the office of archon, 
or chief magistrate of the place. In this place also, 
he remitted the severity ' of the Christian persecution 
at the representation of Granianus, the proconsul of 
Asia, who represented the people of that persuasion 
as no way culpable. 

39. He was even so far reconciled to them as to 
think of receiving Christ among the number of the 
gods. After a winter's continuance at Athens, he 
w 7 ent vver into Sicily, and visited iEtna, and the 
other curiosities of the place. — Returning from thence 



EMPJRJE OF ROME. 273 

once more to Rome, after a short stay he prepared 
ships, 'and crossed over into Africa. — There he spent 
much time in regulating abuses, and reforming the 
government ; in decidi g controversies, and erecting 
magnificent buildings. 

40. Among the rest , he ordered Carthage to be 
rebuilt, calling 't aft er his own name, Adrianople. 
Again returning to Rome, where he stayed but a 
very little time, he travelled a second time into 
Greece, passed over i nto Asia Minor; from thence 
went into Syria, gave laws and instructions to all the 
neighbouring kings, whom he invited to come and 
consult with him; he then entered Palestine, Arabia, 
and Egypt, where h caused Pompey's tomb, that 
had been long negl ected, and almost covered with 
sand, to be renewed and beautified. 

4 1 . He also gave or ders for the rebuilding of Jerusa- 
lem, which wasperfor med with great expedition by the 
assistance of the Jew s, who now began to conceive 
hopes of being restore d to their long lost kingdom. But 
these expectations on ly served to aggravate their ca- 
lamities ; for being incensed at the privileges which 
were granted the P agan worshippers in their new 
city, they fell upon the Romans and Christians that 
were dispersed throu ghout Judea ; and unmercifully 
put them all to the sword. 

42. Adrian was at Athens when this dangerous 
insurrection began; wherefore, sending a powerful 
body of men, under the command of Julius Severus 
against them ; this general obtained many sigual, 
though bloody vict ries over the insurgents. The 
war was concluded in tw T o years by the demolition 
of above a thousand of their best towns, and the des- 
truction of near six hundred thousand men in battle. 

43. He then bani shed all those who remained, out 
of Judea ; and by a public decree forbade any to 
come within view 7 o f their native soil. This insurrec- 
tion w as soon after followed by a dangerous irrup- 
tion of the barbaro us nations to the northward of the 

M 2 



274 THE HISTORY OF THE 

empire, who, entering Media with great fury, and 
passing through Armenia, carried their devastations 
as far as Cappadocia. Adrian, preferring peace upon 
any terms to an unprofitable war, bought them off 
for large sums of money ; so that they returned peace- 
ably into their native wilds, to enjoy their plunder, 
and meditate fresh invasions. 

44. Having spent thirteen years in travelling 
through his dominions, and reforming the abuses of 
the empire, he at last resolved to return and end all 
his fatigues at Rome. Nothing could be more grate • 
ful to the people, than his resolution of coming to re- 
side the rest of his days among them ; they received 
him with the loudest demonstrations of joy ; and 
though he now began to grow old and un wield iy, he 
remitted not the least of his former assiduity and ap- 
plication to the public welfare. 

45. His chief amusement was in conversing with 
the most celebrated men in every art and science, 
frequently boasting that he thought no kind of know- 
ledge inconsiderable, or to be neglected, either in his 
private or public capacity* Adrian was so fond of 
literary fame, that, we are told he wrote his own life, 
and afterwards gave it to his own servants to publish 
under their names. But whatever might have been 
his weakness in ainiing at universal reputation, he 
was in no part of his reign remiss in attending the 
duties of his exalted station. 

46. He ordered the knights and senators never to 
appear in public but in the proper habits of their or- 
ders. He forbade masters to kill their slaves, as had 
been before allowed, but ordained that they should 
be tried by the laws enacted against capital offences. 
A law so just, had he done nothing more, deserved 
to have ensured his reputation with posterity, and to 
have made him dear to mankind. He still further 
extended the lenity of the laws to those unhappy men 
who had been long thought too mean for justice. If 
a master was found killed in his house, he would not 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 275 

allow all his slaves to be put to the torture as for- 
merly, but only such as might have perceived or 
prevented the murder. 

47. In such employment he consumed the greatest 
part of his time; but at last, finding the duties of his 
station daily increasing, and his own strength pro- 
portionably upon the decline, he resolved upon 
adopting a successor. Marcus Antonius, afterwards 
surnamed the Pious, was the person he pitched upon ; 
but previously obliged him to adopt two others, 
namely, Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus, all of 
whom afterwards succeeded in the empire. 

48. While he w r as thus careful in appointing a suc- 
cessor, his bodily infirmities became so insupportable 
that he vehemently desired some of his attendants 
would despatch him. Antonius, however, would by 
no means permit any of his domestics to be guilty of 
sc great an impiety, but used all the arts in his pow- 
er to reconcile the emperor to sustain life. His pains 
increasing every day, he was frequently heard to cry 
out " How miserable a thing it is to seek death and 
not to find it !" 

49. In this deplorable exigence he resolved on 
going to Baice, where the tortures of his disease in- 
creasing, the} 7 affected his understanding. Continu- 
ing for some time in these excruciating circumstan- 
ces, he was at tast resolved to observe no regimen, 
often saying that kings died merely by the multitude 
of their physicians. This conduct served to hasten 
that death he seemed so ardently to desire ; and it 
was probably joy upon its approach which dictated 
the celebrated stanzas which are so well known, and 
in repeating which he expired in the sixty- second 
year of his age, after a prosperous reign of twenty- 
one years, and eleven months. 

50. Titus Antonius, his successor, 
was born in the city of Nismes in Gaul. U. C. 891. 
His father was a nobleman of an an- A. D. 138. 
cient family that had enjoyed the high- 



276 THE HISTORY OF THE 

est honours of the state. At the time of his succeed- 
ing to the throne, he was about fifty years old, and 
had passed through many of the most important offi- 
ces of the state, with great integrity and application. 
His virtues in private life were no way impaired by 
exaltation, as he showed himself one of the most ex- 
cellent princes for justice, clemency, and moderation. 
His morals were so pure that he was usually compa- 
red to Numa, and was surnamed the Pious, both for 
his tenderness to his predecessor Adrian when dying, 
and his particular attachment to the religion of his 
country. 

51. He was an eminent rewarder of learned men, 
to whom he gave large pensions and great honours, 
drawing them from all parts of the world. Among 
the rest, he sent for Appollonius, the famous stoic 
philosopher, to instruct his adopted son Marcus \u- 
relius, whom he had previously married to his daugh- 
ter. Appollonius being arrived at Rome, the empe- 
ror desired his attendance, but the other arrogantly 
answered, " That it was the scholar's duty to wait 
" upon the master, and not the master's upon the 
" scholar." 

52. To this reply Antonius only returned with a 
smile, " That it was surprising how Appollonius, who 
" made no difficulty of coming from Greece to Rome, 
" should think it so hard to walk from one part of 
" Rome to another," and immediately sent Marcus 
Aurelius to him. While the good emperor was thus 
employed in making mankind happy, in directing 
their conduct by his own example, or reproving their 
follies with the keenness of rebuke, he was seized with 
a violent fever at Lorium, a pleasure house at some 
distance from Rome ; where finding himself sensibly 
decaying, he ordered his friends and principal offi- 
cers to attend him. 

53. In their presence he confirmed the adoption 
of Marcus Aurelius, without once naming Lucius Ve- 
rus, who had been joined by Adrian with him in the 



EMFIRE OF ROME. 277 

succession ; then commanding the golden statue o* 
Fortune, which was always in the chambers of the 
emperors, to be removed to that of his successor, he 
expired in the seventy-fifth year of his age, after a 
prosperous reign of twenty-two years, and almost 
eight months. 

54. Marcus Aurelius, though left sole successor to 
the throne, took Lucius Verus as his as- 
sociate and equal in governing the state. U. C. 914. 
Aurelius was the son of Amicus Verus, A. D. 161. 
of an ancient and illustrious family, 

which claimed its original from Numa. Lucius Ve- 
rus was the son of Commodus, who had been adopted 
by Adrian, but died before he succeeded to the throne. 
Aurelius was remarkable for his virtues and accom- 
plishments, as his partner in the empire was for his un- 
governable passions and debauched morals. The 
one was an example of the greatest goodness and 
wisdom, the other of ignorance, sloth, and extrava- 
gance. 

55. The two emperors had been scarce settled on 
the throne, when the empire seemed attacked on every 
side from the barbarous nations by which it was sur- 
rounded. The Catti invaded Germany and Rhastia, 
ravaging all with fire and sword ; but were after some 
time repelled by Victorinus. The Britons likewise 
revolted, but were repressed by Califurnius. But the 
Parthians, under their king Vologesus, made an ir- 
ruption still more dreadful than either of the former, 
destroying the Roman legions in Armenia, then en- 
tering Syria and driving out the Roman governor, 
and filling the whole country with terrour and con- 
fusion. In order to stop the progress of this barba- 
rous irruption, Verus himself went in person, being 
accompanied by Aurelius part of the way. 

56. Verus upon entering Antioch, gave an indul- 
gence to every appetite, without attending to tho fa- 
tigues of war, rioting in excesses, unknown even to 
the voluptuous Greeks, leaving all the glory of the 

24 



278 THE HISTORY OF THE 

field to his lieutenants who were sent to repress the 
enemy. These, however, fought with great success ; 
Statius Priscus took Artazata ; Martius put Vologesus 
to flight, took Seleucia, plundered and burnt Baby- 
lon and Ctesiphon, and demolished the magnificent 
palace of the kings of Parthia. 

57. In a course of four years, during which the 
war continued, the Romans entered far into the Par- 
thian country, and entirely subdued it ; but upon 
their return, their army was wasted to less than half 
its former number by pestilence and famine. How- 
ever, this was no impediment to the vanity of Verus, 
who resolved to enjoy the honours of a triumph so 
hardly earned by others. Wherefore, having ap- 
pointed a king over the Armenians, and finding the 
Parthians entirely subdued, he assumed the titles of 
Armenicus and Parthicus, and then returned to Rome 
to partake of a triumph with Aurelius, which was ac- 
cordingly solemnized with great pomp and splendour. 

53. During the course of this expedition, which 
continued for some years, Aurelius was sedulously 
intent upon distributing justice and happiness to his 
subjects at home. He first applied himself to the re- 
gulation of public affairs, and to the correcting such 
faults as he found in the laws and policy of the state. 
In this endeavour he showed a singular respect for the 
senate, often permitting them to determine without 
appeal; so that the commonwealth seemed in a man- 
ner once more revived under his equitable administra- 
tion. Besides, such was his application to business, 
that he often employed ten days together upon the 
same subject, maturely considering it on all sides, 
and seldom departing from the senate house till night 
coming en the assembly was dismissed by the consul. 

59. But while thus gloriously occupied, he was 
daily mortified with accounts of the enormities of his 
colleague, being repeatedly assured of his vanity, 
lewdness, and extravagance. However, feigning 
himself ignorant of theje excesses, he judged mar- 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 279 

wage to be the best method of reclaiming him, and 
therefore sent him his daughter Lucillia, a woman of 
great beauty, whom Verus married at Antioch. 

60. But even this was found ineffectual : Lucillia 
proved of a disposition very unlike her father, and 
instead of correcting her husband's extravagancies, 
only contributed to inflame them. Yet Aurelius still 
hoped that upon the return of Verus to Rome his 
presence would keep him in awe, and that happiness 
would at length be restored to the s^ate. But in this 
also he was disappointed. His return only seemed 
fatal to the empire ; for his army carried back the 
plague from Parthia, and disseminated the infection 
into all the provinces through which it passed. 

61. Nothing could exceed the miserable state of 
the empire shortly after the return of Verus. In this 
horrid picture was represented an emperor, unawed 
by example, or the calamities surrounding him, 
giving way to unheard of debaucheries. A raging 
pestilence spreading terrour and desolation through 
all parts of the western world ; earthquakes, famines, 
and inundations, such as had never before happened; 
the products of the earth throughout all Italy devour- 
ed by locusts ; all the barbarous nations surrounding 
the empire; the Germans, the Sarmatans, the Quadi, 
and the Marcomanni, taking advantage of its various 
calamities, and making their irruptions even into 
Italy itself. 

62. The priests doing all they could to put a stop 
to the miseries of the state, by attempting to appease 
the gods; vowing and offering numberless sacrifices; 
celebrating all the sacred rites that had ever been 
known in Rome; and exhibiting the solemnity called 
Lectisternia, seven days together. To crown the 
whole, these enthusiasts, not satisfied with the impen- 
ding calamities, making new, by ascribing the dis- 
tresses, of the state to the impieties of the Christians 
alone : so that a violent persecution was seen reigning 
in all parts of the empire, in which Justin Martyr, 



2S0 THE HISTORY OF THE 

St. Pc^ycarp, bishop of Smyrna, and an infinite 
Dumber of others, suffered martyrdom. 

63. In this scene of universal tumult, desolation 
and distress, there was nothing left but the virtues 
and the wisdom of one man alone to restore to tran- 
quillity and bring back happiness to the empire. 
A.urelius began his endeavours by marching against 
the Marcomanni and Quadi, taking Verus with hira 
who reluctantly left the sensual delights of Rome foe 
the fatigues of a camp. They came up with the 
Marcomanni near the city of Aquileia, and after a 
firious engagement routed their whole army : xhet 
pursuing them across the Alps, overcame them JQ 
several contests, and at last, entirely defeating their 
returned into Italy without anv consi 

U. C. 922. derable loss. 

A. D. 169. 64. As the winter was far advancer 
Verus was determined upon going fron 
Aquileia to Rome, in which journey he was seizec 
with an apoplexy, which put an end to his life, beinf 
thirty-nine years old, having reigned in conjunction 
with Aurelius, who had hitherto sustained the fatigues 
of governing not only an empire, but his colleague 
being left to himself, began to act with greater dili 
gence, and more vigour than ever. 

65. After having subdued the Marcomanni, a bax 
barous people that had made inroads upon the empire 
he returned to Rome, where he began his usual ec 
deavours to benefit mankind by a farther reformatio! 
of the internal policy of the state. 

G6. But his good endeavours were soon interrupte'. 
by a renewal of the former wars, in one of the er 
gagements of which he is said to have been miraco 
lously relieved, when his army was perishing witf 
thirst, by the prayers of a Christian legion which haf 
been levied in his service. For, at that dreadfb 
juncture, and just as the barbarians were ready to fal 
upon them, we are assured, there fell such a showfc' 
of rain as instantly refreshed the fainting army. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 281 

67. The soldiers were seen holding their mouths 
and their helmets up to heaven, and receiving the 
water which came so wonderfully to their relief. 
The same clouds also which served for their rescue, 
at the same time discharged such a terrible storm of 
hail, accompanied with thunder, against the enemy, 
as astonished and confounded them. By this un- 
looked for aid, the Romans recovering strength and 
courage, once more turned upon their pursuers, and 
cut them in pieces. 

68. Such are the circumstances of an engagement, 
acknowledged by Pagan as well as Christian writers, 
only with this difference that the latter ascribed the 
victory to their own, the former to the prayers of their 
emperor. However this be, Aurelius seemed so sen- 
sible of miraculous assistance, that he immediately 
relaxed the persecution against the Christians, and 
wrote to the senate in favour of their religion. 

69. This good emperor having at a time detected 
one Avidius in a conspiracy against him, and gene- 
rously granting him his pardon, some who were with 
his person took the liberty to blame his conduct, 
telling him that Avidius would not have been so ge- 
nerous, had he been conqueror. To this the emperor 
replied in this sublime manner, " I never served the 
" gods so ill, or reigned so irregularly, as to fear 
" Avidius could ever be conqueror." 

70. He usually called philosophy his mother, in 
opposition to the court, which he considered as his 
stepmother. He also was frequently heard to say, 
" that the people were happy whose philosophers 
" were kings, or whose kings were philosophers." 
He in fact was one of the most considerable men 
then in being; and though he had been born in the 
meanest station his merits as a writer, as his works 
remain to this day, would have insured immortality. 

71. Having thus restored prosperity to his sub- 
jects, and peace to mankind, news was brought him 
that the Scythians and barbarous nations of the north 

24* 



232 THE HISTORY OF THE 

were up in arms and invading the empire. He once 
more, therefore, resolved to expose his aged person 
in the defence of his country, and made speedy pre- 
parations to oppose them. He went to the senate, 
for the first time, and desired to have money out of 
the public treasury. 

72. He then spent three whole days in giving the 
people lectures, by which they might regulate their 
lives ; and having finished his lectures, departed upon 
his expedition amidst the prayers an3 lamentations 
of all his subjects. It was upon going to open his 
third campaign that he was seized with the plague at 
Vienna, which stopped the progress of his success. 

73. Nothing, however, could abate his desire of 
being beneficial to mankind ; his fears for the youth 
and unpromising disposition of Commodus his son 
and successor, seemed to give him great uneasiness ; 
wherefore he addressed his friends and the principal 
officers that were gathered round his bed, telling them 
that as his son was now going to lose a father, he 
hoped he should find many fathers in them. As he 
was thus speaking, he was seized with a weakness 
which stopped his utterance, and which brought him 
to his end the day following. He died in the fifty- 
ninth year of his age, having reigned nineteen years 
and some days ; and it seemed as if the whole glory 
and prosperity of the Roman empire died with this 
greatest of the Roman emperors. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

From Commodus to the transferring the seat of the 
empire under Constantine from Rome to Byzan- 
tium. 

[U. C. 933. A. D. ISO.] 
1. THE merits of Aurelius procured Commodus 
an easy accession to the throne. He was acknow- 
ledged emperor, first by the army, then by the senate 
and people, and] shortly after by all the provinces. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 283 

2. His whole reign is but a tissue of wantonness 
and folly, cruelty and injustice, rapacity and corrup- 
tion. There is so strong a similitude between his 
conduct and that of Domitian, that a reader might 
be apt to imagine he was going over the same reign. 

3. He went w r ith his associates to taverns and 
brothels ; spent the day in feasting, and the night in 
die most abominable luxuries, having no less than 
three hundred females, and as many males, for de- 
testable purposes. He committed incest, as Caligula 
did, with all his sisters. He sometimes went about 
the markets in a frolic with small wares as a petty 
chapman; sometimes he imitated a horse courser, 
and at other times drove his own chariot in a slave's 
habit, while those he chiefly promoted resembled 
himself, being the companions of his pleasures, or the 
ministers of his cruelty. 

4. If any person desired to be revenged on an 
enemy, by bargaining with Com modus for a sum of 
money he was permitted to destroy him in such a 
manner as he thought t>roper. He commanded a 
person to be cast to The wild beasts for reading the 
life of Caligula in Suetonius. He ordered another 
to be thrown in a burning furnace for accidentally 
overheating his bath. He would sometimes, w T hen 
he wds in good humour, cut off men's noses under a 
pretence of shaving their beards ; and yet he was 
himself so jealous of all mankind that he was obliged 
to be his own barber. 

5. At length, upon the feast of Janus, resolving to 
fence naked before the people as a common gladiator, 
three of his friends remonstrated to him upon the in- 
decency of such a behaviour. These were Lsetus, 
bis general, Electus, his chamberlain, and Marcia, a 
concubine, of whom he always appeared excessively 
fond. Their advice was attended with no other 
effect than that of incensing him against them, and 
inciting him to resolve upon their destruction. 

6. It was his method, like that of Domitian 3 to ae 



284 THE HISTORY OF THE 

down the names of all such as he intended to put to 
death, in a roll which he carefully kept by him. 
However, at this time, happening to lay the roll on 
his bed while he was bathing in another room, it was 
taken up by a little boy whom he passionately loved. 
The child, after playing with it for some time, brought 
it to Marcia, who was instantly alarmed at the contents. 
7. She immediately discovered her terrours to 
Lcetus and Electus, who perceiving their dangerous 
situation, instantly resolved the tyrant's death. After 
some deliberation it was agreed upon to despatch him 
by poison ; but this not succeeding, Marcia hastily 
introduced a young man called Narcissus, and pre- 
vailed upon him to assist in strangling the tyrant. 
Commodus died in the thirty-first year of his age, after 
an impious reign of twelve years and nine months. 
8. The secrecy and expedition with 
U. C. 945. which Commodus was assassinated were 
A. D. 192. such that few were at that time acquain- 
ted with the real circumstances of his 
death. His body was wrapped up»as a bale of useless 
furniture, and carried through the guards, most of 
whom were either drank or asleep. 

9. Previous to the assassination, the conspirators 
had fixed upon a successor. Helvius Pertinax, whose 
virtues and courage rendered him worthy of the most 
exalted station, and who had passed thrpugh many 
changes of fortune, was fixed upon to succeed him ; 
when, therefore, the conspirators repaired to his house 
to salute him emperor, he considered their arrival as 
a command from the emperor Commodus for his death. 

10. Upon Laetus entering his apartment, Pertinax, 
without any show of fear, cried out, that for many 
days he had expected to end his life in that manner, 
wondering that the emperor had deferred it so long. 
However, he was not a little surprised when informed 
of the real cause of their visit ; and being strongly 
urged to accept of the empire, he at last complied 
with their offer. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 285 

11. Being carried to the camp, Pertinax was pro- 
claimed emperor, and soon after the citizens and 
senate consented : the joy at the election of their new- 
sovereign being scarce equal to that for the death of 
their tyrant. They then pronounced Commodus a 
parricide, an enemy to the gods, his country, and all 
mankind, and commanded that his corpse should rot 
upon a dunghill. In the mean time, they saluted Per- 
tinax, as emperor and Caesar, with numerous acclama- 
tions, and cheerfully took the oaths of obedience. The 
provinces soon after followed the example of Rome ; so 
that he began his reign with universal satisfaction to 
the whole empire in the sixty-eighth year of his age. 

12. Nothing could exceed the justice and wisdom 
of this monarch's reiffn the short time it continued. 
But the praetorian soldiers whose manners he had 
attempted to reform, having been long corrupted by 
the indulgence and profusion of their former monarch, 
began to hate him for the parsimony and discipline 
he had introduced among them. 

13. They therefore resolved to dethrone him; 
and accordingly, in a tumultuous manner, marched 
through the streets of Rome, entered his palace with- 
out opposition, where a Tungrain soldier struck him 
dead, with a blow of his lance. From the number 
of his adventures, he was called the Tennis ball of 
Fortune ; and certainly no man ever experienced 
such a variety of situations with so blameless a cha- 
racter. He reigned but three months. 

14. The soldiers, having committed 

this outrage, made proclamation that U. C. 945. 
they would sell the empire to whoever A. D. 192. 
would purchase it at the highest price. 
In consequence of this proclamation, two bidders 
were found, namely, Sulpician and Didius. The for- 
mer, a consular person, praefect of the city, and son- 
in-law to the late emperor Pertinax. The latter, a 
consular person likewise, a great lawyer, and the 
wealthiest man in the city. 



286 THE HISTORY OF THE 

15. Sulpician had rather promises than treasures 
to bestow. The offers of Didius, who produced im- 
mense sums of ready money, prevailed. He was re- 
ceived into the camp, and the soldiers instantly swore 
to obey him as emperor. 

16. Upon being conducted to the senate house, 
he addressed the few senators that were present in a 
very laconic speech. " Fathers, you want an era- 
" peror, and I am the fittest person vou can choose." 
The choice of the soldiers was confirmed by the se* 
nate, and Didius was acknowledged emperor, now 
in the fifty-seventh year of his age, 

17. It should seem by this weak monarch's conduct 
when seated on the throne, that he thought the go- 
vernment of an empire rather a pleasure than a toil. 
Instead of attempting to gain the hearts of his sub- 
jects, he gave himself up to ease and inactivity, utterly 
regardless of the duties of his station. He was mild 
and gentle indeed, neither injuring any nor expecting 
to be injured. But that avarice, by which he became 
opulent, still followed him in his exaltation ; so that 
the very soldiers who elected him soon began to 
detest him for those qualities so very opposite to a 
military character. 

18. The people also against whose consent he was 
chosen, were not less his enemies. Whenever he is- 
sued from his palace, they openly poured forth their 
imprecations against him, crying out that he was a 
thief, and had stolen the empire. Didius, however, 
in the true spirit of a trader, patiently bore all their 
reproach, sometimes beckoning to them with smiles 
to approach him, and testifying his regard by every 
kind of submission. 

19. Soon after, Severus, an African by birth, being 
proclaimed by his army, began by promising to re- 
venge the death of Pertinax. 

20. Didius, upon being informed of his approach 
towards Rome, obtained the consent of the senate to 
send him ambassadors, offering to make him a part- 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 287 

ner in the empire. But Severus rejected this offer, 
conscious of his own strength, and of the weakness of 
the proposer. The senate soon appeared of the same 
sentiments, and perceiving the timidity and weakness 
of their present master, abandoned him. 

21. Being called together, as was formerly prac- 
tised in the times of the commonwealth, by the con- 
suls, they unanimously decreed that Didius should 
be deprived of the empire, and that Severus should 
be proclaimed in his stead. They commanded Di- 
dius to be slain, and sent messengers for this purpose 
to the palace, where they found him disarmed, and 
despatched him among a few friends that still adhered 
to his interest. 

22. Severus having overcome Niger and Albinus, 
who were his competitors for the empire, undertook 
next the reins of government, uniting great vigour 
with the most refined policy ; yet his African cunning, 
for he was a native of Africa, was considered as a 
particular defect in him. He is celebrated for his 
wit, learning, and prudence, but equally blamed for 
perfidy and cruelty. In short he seemed equally ca- 
pable of the greatest acts of virtue and the most 
bloody severities. 

23. Upon his return to Rome he loaded his sol- 
diers with rewards and honours, giving them such 
privileges, as strengthened his own power, while they 
destroyed that of the state. For the soldiers, who 
had hitherto showed the strongest inclinations to an 
abuse of power, were now made arbiters of the fate 
of Emperors. 

24. Being thus secure of his army, he resolved to 
give way to his natural turn for conquest, and to op- 
pose his arms against the Parthians, who were then 
invading the frontiers of the empire. Having there- 
fore previously given the government of domestic 
policy to one Plautian, a particular favourite, to 
whose daughter he married his son Caracalla, he set 



288 THE HISTORY OF THE 

out for the east, and prosecuted the war with his usual 
expedition and success. 

25. He forced submission from the king of Arme- 
nia, destroyed several cities in Arabia Felix, landed 
on the Parthian coasts, took and plundered the fa- 
mous cit}' of Ctesiphon, marched back through Pa- 
lestine and Egypt, and at length returned to Rome 
in triumph. 

26. During this interval, Plautian, who was left 
to direct the affairs of Rome, began to think of as- 
piring to the empire himself. Upon the emperor's 
return he employed a tribune of the praetorian cohorts, 
of which he was the commander, to assassinate him, 
as likewise his son Caracalla. The tribune informed 
Severus of his favourite's treachery. He at first re- 
ceived it as an improbable story, and as the artifice 
of one who envied his favourite's fortune. 

27. However he was at last persuaded to permit 
the tribune to conduct Plautian to the emperor's 
apartments, to be a testimony against himself. — 
With this intent the tribune went and amused him 
w 7 ith a pretended account of his killing the emperor 
and his son ; desiring him, if he thought fit to see him 
dead, to go with him to the palace. 

28. As Plautian ardently desired their deaths, he 
readily gave credit to his relation ; and following 
the tribune, was conducted at midnight into the in- 
nermost recesses. But what must have been his dis- 
appointment, when, instead of finding the emperor 
lying dead as he expected, he beheld the room lighted 
up with torches, and Severus, surrounded by his 
friends, prepared in array to receive him. 

29. Being asked by the emperor, with a stern 
countenance, what had brought him there at that un- 
seasonable time : he was at first utterly confounded ; 
and not knowing what excuse to make, he ingenuously 
confessed the whole, intreating forgiveness for what 
he had intended. The emperor seemed inclined 
to pardon ; but Caracalla, his son, who from the 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 289 

earliest age, showed a disposition to cruelty, with his 
sword ran him through the body. 

30. After this he spent a considerable time in vi- 
siting some cities in Italy, permitting none of his offi- 
cers to sell places of trust or dignity, and distributing 
justice with the strictest impartiality. He then under- 
took an expedition into Britain, where the Romans 
were in danger of being destroyed, or compelled to 
fly the province. Wherefore, after appointing his 
two sons, Caracalla and Geta, joint successors in the 
empire, and taking them with him he landed in Bri- 
tain, to the great terrour of such as had drawn down 
his resentment. 

31. Upon his progress into the country he left his 
son Geta in the southern part of the province, which 
had continued in obedience, and marched with his 
son Caracalla against the Caledonians. In this ex- 
pedition his army suffered prodigious hardships in 
pursuing the enemy; they were obliged to hew their 
way through intricate forests, to drain extensive 
marshes, and form bridges over rapid rivers; so that 
he lost fifty thousand men by fatigue and sickness. 

32. However he supported all these inconveniences 
with unrelenting bravery, and prosecuted his successes 
with such vigour, that he compelled the enemy to beg 
for peace; which they obtained not without the sur- 
render of a considerable part of their country. It 
was there, that for its better security, he built that 
famous wall, which still goes by his name, extending 
from Salway Firth on the west, to the German ocean 
on the east. He did not long survive his successes 
here, but died at York in the sixty-sixth year of his 
age, after an active though cruel reign of about 
eighteen years. 

33. Caracalla and Geta, his sons, be- 
ing acknowledged as emperors by the U. C. 964. 
army, began to show a mutual hatred A. D. 211. 
to each other even before their arrival 

at Rome. But this opposition was of no long con* 
25 N 



300 THE HISTORY OF THE 

linuance; for Caracalla being resolved to govern 
alone, furiously entered Geta's apartment, and, fol- 
lowed by ruffians, slew him in his mother's arms. 

34. Being thus emperor, he went on to mark his 
course with blood. Whatever was done by Domitian 
or Nero, fell short of this monster's barbarities. His 
tyrannies at length excited the resentment of Macri- 
nus, the commander of the forces in Mesopotamia, 
who employed one Martial, a man of great strength, 
and a centurion of the guards to despatch him. 

35. Accordingly, as the emperor was riding out 
one day, near a little city called Carrae, he happened 
to withdraw himself privately upon a natural occa 
sion, with only one page to hold his horse. This 
was the opportunity Martial had so long and ardently 
desired ; wherefore, running to him hastily as if he 
had been called, he stabbed the emperor in the back, 
so that he died immediately. Having performed this 
hardy attempt, he then unconcernedly returned to his 
troop ; but retiring by insensible degrees, he endea- 
voured to secure himself by flight. 

36. But his companions soon missing him, and 
the page giving information of what had been done, 
lie was pursued by the German horse and cut in 
pieces. During the reign of this execrable tyrant, 
which continued six years, the empire was every 
day declining ; the soldiers were entirely masters of 
every election ; and as there were various armies in 
different parts, so there were as many interests all 
opposite to each other. 

37. The soldiers, without an emperor 
U. C. 970. after a suspense of two days, fixed upon 
A. D. 217. Macrinus, who took all possible methods 
to conceal his being privy to Caracalla's 
murder. The senate confirmed their choice shortly 
after, and likewise that of his son Diadumenus, whom 
he took as a partner in the empire. Macrinus was 
fifty-three years old when he entered upon the go- 
vernment of the empire. He was of obscure paren- 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 291 

tasre, some say by birth a Moor ; who by the mere 
rotation of office, being made first praefect of the 
praetorian bands, was now by treason and accident 
called to fill the throne. 

38. He was opposed by the intrigues of Mosa and 
her grandson, Heliogabalus ; and being conquered 
by some seditious legions of his own army, he fled 
to Chalcedon, where those who were sent in pursuit 
overtook and put him to death, together with his son 
Diadumenus, after a short reign of one year and two 
months. 

39. The senate and citizens of Rome 

being obliged to submit to the appoint- U. C. 97! . 
imentof the army, as usual, Heliogabalus A. D. 218. 
ascended the throne at the age of four- 
teen. His short life is but a tissue of effeminacy, 
lust, and extravagance. He married in the small 
space of four years, six wives, and divorced them all. 
He was so fond of the sex that he carried his mother 
with him to the senate house, and demanded that ske 
should always be present when matters of importance 
were debated. He even went so far as to build a 
senate house for women, with suitable orders, habits, 
and distinctions, of which his mother was made pre- 
sident. 

40. They met several times : all their debates 
turning upon the fashions of the day, and the differ- 
ent formalities to be used at giving and receiving 
visits. — To these follies he added great cruelty and 
boundless prodigality ; so that he w T as heard to say 
that such dishes as were cheaply obtained were 
scarce worth eating; it is even said he strove to foretel 
what was to happen, by inspecting the entrails of 
young men sacrificed, and that he chose the most 
beautiful youths throughout Italy to be slain for that 
horrid purpose. 

41. However, his soldiers mutinying, as was cow 
usual with them ; they followed him to his palace, 
pursuing ham from apartment to apartment, till at last 



292 THE HISTORY OF THE 

lie was found concealed in a privy. Having dragged 
him from thence through the streets with most bitter 
invectives, and having despatched him, they attempted 
once more to squeeze his pampered body into a 
privy; but not easily effecting this, they threw it into 
the Tiber with heavy weights, that none might 
afterwards find or give it burial. This was the ig- 
nominious death of Heliogabalus, in the eighteenth 
year of his age, after a detestable reign of four 
years. 

42. To him succeeded Alexander, his 
U. C. 975. cousin germ an; who, without opposition, 
A. D. 222. being declared emperor, the senate with 
their usual adulation, were for conferring 
new titles upon him ; but he modestly declined them 
all. To the most rigid justice he added the greatest 
humanity. He loved the good, and was a severe re- 
prover of the lewd and infamous. His accomplish- 
ments were equal to his virtues. He was an excellent 
mathematician, geometrician, and musician ; he was 
equally skilful in painting and sculpture; and in 
poetry few of his time could equal him. In short, 
such were his talents, and such the solidity of his 
judgment, that though but sixteen years of age, he 
was considered as a wise old man. 

43. About the thirteenth year of his reign, the 
Upper Germans, and other northern nations began 
to pour down immense swarms of people upon the 
more southern parts of the empire. They passed the 
Rhine and the Danube with such fury, that all Italy 
was thrown into the most extreme consternation. 
The emperor ever ready to expose his person for the 
safety of his people, made what levies he could, and 
went in person to stem the torrent, which he speedily 
effected. It was in the course of his successes against 
the enemy that he was cut off by a mutiny among his 
own soldiers. He died in the twenty-ninth year o* 
his age, after a prosperous reign of thirteen years and 
nine davs. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 293 

44. The tumults occasioned by the 

death of Alexander being appeased, U. C. 988. 
Maximin, who had been the chief pro- A. D. 235. 
moter of the sedition, was chosen empe- 
ror. This extraordinary man, whose character de- 
serves particular attention, was born of very obscure 
parentage, being the son of a poor herdsman of 
Thrace. In the beginning he followed his father's 
humble profession, and only exercised his personal 
courage against the robbers who infested that part of 
the country in which he lived. 

45. Soon after, his ambition increasing, he left his 
poor employment, and enlisted in the Roman army, 
where he soon became remarkable for his great 
strength, discipline and courage. This gigantic man 
was no less than eight feet and a half high; he had a 
body and strength corresponding to his size, being 
not less remarkable for the magnitude than the sym- 
metry of his person. His wife's bracelet usually 
served him for a thumb ring ; and his strength was 
so great that he was able to draw a carnage which 
two oxen could not move. 

46. He could strike out a horse's teeth with a blow 
of his fist, and break its thigh bone with a kick. 
His diet was as extraordinar}' as the rest of his en- 
dowments : he generally ate forty pounds weight of 
flesh every day, and drank six gallons of wine with- 
out committing any debauch in either. With a frame 
so athletic, he was possessed of a mind undaunted in 
danger, and neither fearing noi regarding any man. 
The first time he was made known was to the empe- 
ror Severus, who was then celebrating games on the 
birth day of his son Geta. 

47. He overcame sixteen in running, one after the 
other 5 he then kept up with the emperor on horse- 
back ; and having fatigued him in the course, he was 
opposed to seven of the most active soldiers, and 
overcame them with the greatest ease. From that 
time he was particularly uoticed, and taken into the 

25* 



294 THE HISTORY OF THE 

emperor's body guard, and by the usual gradation 
of preferment came to be chief commander, equally 
remarkable for his simplicity, discipline, and virtue ; 
and upon coming to the empire, he was found to be 
one of the greatest monsters of cruelty that ever dis- 
graced power ; and fearful of nothing himself, he 
seemed to sport with the terrours of all mankind. 

48. However, his cruelties did not retard his mili- 
tary operations, w r hich were carried on with a spirit 
becoming a better monarch. He overthrew the Ger- 
mans in several battles, wasted all their country with 
fire and sword for four hundred miles together, and 
set a resolution of subduing all the northern nations 
as far as the ocean. In these expeditions, in order 
to attach the soldiers more firmly to him, he increased 
their pay; and in every duty of the camp he hirnselt 
took as much pains as the meanest sentinel in his 
army, showing incredible courage and assiduity. In 
every engagement, w T herever the conflict was the 
hottest, Maximin was always seen fighting there in 
person, and destroying all before him: for, being 
bred a barbarian, he considered it as his duty to 
combat as a common soldier while he commanded as 
a general. 

49. In the mean time, his cruelties had so alien- 
ated the minds of his subjects that several conspira- 
cies w r ere secretly aimed against him. None of 
them, however, succeeded, till at last his own soldiers, 
being long harassed by famine and fatigue, and 
hearing of revolt on every side, resolved to terminate 
their calamities by the tyrant's death. His great 
strength, and his being always armed, were at first 
the principal motives to deter any from assassinating 
him ; but at length, having made his guards accom- 
plices in their design, they set upon him while he slept 
at noon in his tent, and slew both him and his son, 
whom he had made his partner in the empire, without 
any opposition. 

50. Thus died this most remarkable man, after an 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 295 

usurpation of about three years, and in the sixty-fifth 
year of his age. His assiduity when in humble station, 
and his cruelty when in power, serve very well to 
evince, that there are some men whose virtues were 
fitted for obscurity, as there are others who only 
show themselves great when placed in an exalted 
station. 

51. The tyrant being dead, and his 

body thrown to dogs and birds of prey, U. C. 991. 
Pupienus and Balbinus continued for A. D. 238. 
some time emperors without opposition. 

52. But differing among themselves, the praetorian 
soldiers, who were the enemies of both, set upon them 
in their palace, at a time when their guards were amus- 
ed with seeing the Capitoline games, and dragging 
them from the palace towards the camp, slew them 
both, leaving their dead bodies in the streets as a 
dreadful instance of their sedition. 

53. In the midst of this sedition as 

the mutineers were proceeding along, U. C. 991. 
they by accident met Gordian, the A. D. 238. 
grandson of him who w T as slain in Afri- 
ca ; whom they declared emperor on the spot. This 
prince was but sixteen years old when he began his 
reign, but his virtues seemed to compensate for his 
want of experience. His principal aims were to 
unite the opposing members of the government, 
and to reconcile the soldiers and citizens to each 
other. 

54. The army, however, began as usual to mur- 
mur, and their complaints were artfully fomented by 
Philip, an Arabian, who was praetorian praefect. 
Things thus proceeding from bad to worse, Philip 
was at first made equal in the command of the em- 
pire ; shortly after, he was invested with the sole 
pow 7 er ; and at length, finding himself capable of per- 
petrating his long meditated cruelty, Gordian was, 
by his order, slain in the twenty-second year of his 
age, after a successful reign of near six years. 



296 THE HISTORY OF THE 

55. Philip, having thus murdered his 
U. C. 996. benefactor, was so fortunate as to be im- 
A. D. 243. mediately acknowledged emperor by 
the army. Upon his exaltation, he as- 
sociated his son, a boy of six years of age, as his 
partner in the empire ; and in order to secure his 
power at home, made peace with the Persians, and 
marched his army towards Rome. However, the 
army revolting in favour of Decius his general, and 
setting violently upon him, one of the sentinels, at a 
blow cut off his head, or rather cleaved it asunder, 
separating the under jaw from the upper. He died 
in the forty-fifth year of his age, after a reign of about 
five years ) Decius being universally declared as his 
successor. 

50. The activity and wisdom of 
U. C. 1001. Decius seemed in some measure to 
A. D. 248. stop the hastening decline of the Ro- 
man empire. The senate seemed to 
think so highly of his merits that they voted him not 
inferior to Trajan ; and indeed he seemed in every 
instance to consult their dignity in particular, and the 
welfare of aHthe inferior ranks of people. 

57. But ) virtues could now prevent the ap- 
proaching d\ nfal of the state: the obstinate disputes 
between the i agans and the Christians within the 
empire, and * unceasing irruptions of barbarous 
nations from \ thout, enfeebled it beyond the power 
of remedy. 1 _. was killed in an ambuscade of the 
enemy in the fifteenth year of his age, after a short 
reign of two years and six months. 

58. Gallus, who had betrayed the 

U. C. 1004. Roman army, had address enough to 

A. D. 251. get himself declared emperor by that 

part of it which survived the defeat ; 

he was forty-five years old when he began to reign, 

and was descended from an honourable family in 

Rome. He was the first who bought a dishonourable 

peace from the enemies of the state, agreeing to pay 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 297 

a considerable annual tribute to the Goths, whom it 
was his duty to repress. 

59. He was regardless of every national calamity, 
and lost to debauch and sensuality. The Pagans 
were allowed a power of persecuting the Christians 
through all parts of the state. These calamities were 
succeeded by a pestilence from Heaven that seemed 
to have in general spread over every part of the earth, 
and which continued raging for several years in an 
unheard of manner ; and all these by a civil war 
which followed shortly after between Gallus and his 
general iEmilianus, who having gained a victory 
over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by his con- 
quering army. 

60. Gallus hearing this, soon roused from the in- 
toxication of pleasure, and prepared to oppose his 
dangerous rival : he with his son, were slain by iEmi* 
litmus in a battle fought in Mesia. His death was 
merited, and his vices were such as to deserve the 
detestation of posterity. He died in the forty-seventh 
year of his age, after an unhappy reign of two years 
and four months, in which the empire suffered inex- 
pressible calamities. 

61. The senate refused to acknow- 
ledge the claims of iEmilianus ; and an U. C. 1006. 
army that was stationed near the Alps A. D. 253. 
chose Valerian, their own commander, 

to succeed to the throne, who set about reforming 
the state with a spirit that seemed to mark a good 
mind and unabated vigour. But reformation was 
then grown almost impracticable. The Persians, 
under their king Sapor, invaded Syria, and, coming 
into Mesopotamia, took the unfortunate Valerian 
prisoner as he was making preparations to oppose 
them. 

62. Nothing can exceed the indignities, as well as 
the cruelties which were practised upon this unhappy 
monarch, thus fallen into the hands of his enemies. 
Sapor, we are told, always used him as a footstool 

N 2 



298 THE HISTORY OF THE 

for mounting his horse ; he added the bitterness of 
ridicule to his insults, and usually observed, " that 
" an attitude like that to which Valerian was reduced 
" was the best statue that could be erected in honour 
" of his victory." This horrid life of insult and suf- 
ferance continued for seven years, and was at length 
terminated by the cruel Persian's commanding his 
prisoner's eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards 
causing him to be flayed alive. 

63. Valerian being taken prisoner, 

U. C. 1012. as hath been just mentioned, Galenus 

A. D. 259. his son promising to revenge the insult, 

was chosen emperor, being then about 

forty-one years old. However, he soon discovered 

that he sought rather the splendours than the toils 

of empire ; for after having overthrown Igenus, 

a commander in Pannonia, who had assumed the title 

of emperor, he sat down, as if fatigued with conquest, 

and gave himself up to ease and luxury. 

64. It was at this time that no less than thirty pre- 
tenders were seen contending with each other for the 
dominion of the state, and adding the calamities of 
civil war to the rest of the misfortunes of this devoted 
empire. These are generally known in history by 
the name of the thirty tyrants. 

65. In this general calamity, Galenus, though at 
first seemingly insensible, was at length obliged, for 
his own private security, to take the field, and led an 
army to besiege the city of Milan, which had been 
taken by one of the thirty usurping tyrants. It 
was there he was slain by his own soldiers; Mar- 
tian, one of his generals, having conspired against 
him. 

66. Flavius Claudius being nomi- 

U. C. 1021. nated to succeed, he was joyfully ac- 

A, D. 268. cepted by all orders of the state, and 

his title confirmed by the senate and 

the people. We are not sufficiently assured of this 

emperor's lineage and country. Some affirm that he 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 299 

was born in Dalmatia, and descended from an ancient 
family there ; others assert that he was a Trojan, and 
others still that he was son to the emperor Gordian. 
But whatever might have been his descent, his merits 
were by no means doubtful. 

67. He was a man of great valour and conduct, 
having performed the most excellent services against 
the Goths who had long continued to make their ir- 
ruptions into the empire ; but on his march against 
that barbarous people, as he approached near the 
city Sirmium, in Pannonia, he was seized with a 
pestilential fever, of which he died in a few days, to 
the great regret of his subjects, and the irreparable 
loss of the Roman empire. 

68. Upon the death of Claudius, 

Aurelian was universally acknow- U. C. 1023. 
ledged by all the states of the empire, A. D. 270. 
and assumed the command with a 
greater share of power than his predecessors had en- 
joyed for some time before. This active monarch 
was born of mean and obscure parentage, in Dacia, 
and was about fifty-five years old at the time of his 
coming to the throne. He had spent the early part of 
his life in the army, and had risen through all the 
gradations of military duty. 

69. He was of unshaken courage, and amazing 
strength ; he in one single engagement killed forty 
of the enemy with his own hand, and above nine 
hundred at several different times. In short, his va- 
lour and expedition were such that he was compared 
to Julius Caesar, and in fact only wanted mildness 
and clemency to be every way his equal. 

70. Among the number of those who were com- 
pelled to submit to his power, we may reckon the 
famous Zenobia, queen of Palmyra. He subdued 
her country, destroyed her city and took her prisoner. 
Longinus, the celebrated critic, who was secretary to 
the queen, was by Aurelian's order put to death. 
Zenobia was reserved to grace his triumph, and after- 



300 THE HISTORY OF THE 

wards allotted such lands, and such an income, as 
served to maintain her in almost her former splendor. 
71. His severities at last were the cause of his 
destruction. — Monesteus, his principal secretary, 
having been threatened by him for some fault which 
he had committed, formed a conspiracy against him ; 
and as the emperor passed with a small guard from 
Uraclea in Thrace, towards Byzantium, the conspi- 
rators set upon him at once, and slew him with very 
small resistance. He was slain in the sixtieth, or as 
some say, the sixty-third year of his age, after a very 
active reign of almost five years. 

72. After some time, the senate made 

U. C. 1028. choiceof Tacitus, a man of great mer*t, 

A. D. 275. and no way ambitious of the honours 

that were offered him, being at that 

time seventy-five years old. 

73. A reign begun with much moderation and 
justice, only wanted continuance to have made the 
empire happy; but after enjoying the empire about 
six months he died of a fever in his march to oppose 
the Persians and Scythians, who had invaded the 
eastern parts of the empire. 

74. During this short period, the senate seemed to 
have a large share of authority ; and the historians of 
the times are one and all liberal of their praises to 
such emperors as were thus willing to divide their 
power. 

75. Upon the death of Tacitus, the whole army, 
as if by common consent, cried out that Probus 
should be emperor. He was forty-four years old 
when he ascended the throne ; was born of noble pa- 
rentage, at Sirmium in Pannonia, and bred up a 
soldier from his youth. He began early to distin- 
guish himself for his discipline and valour, being fre- 
quently the first man that, in besieging towns, scaled 
the walls, or that burst into the enemy's camp. 

76. He was equally remarkable for single com- 
bats, and saving the lives of many eminent citizens . 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 301 

nor were his activity and courage, when elected to 
the empire, less apparent than in his private station. 
Every year now produced only new calamities to the 
empire, and fresh irruptions on every side threatened 
universal desolation : perhaps at this time no abilities, 
except those of Probus, were capable of opposing 
such united invasions. 

77. However, in the end, his own mutinous sol- 
(Ijers, taking their opportunity as he was marching 
into Greece, set upon and slew him, after he had 
reigned six years and four months with general 
approbation. 

78. Carus, who was praetorian prae- 

fect to the deceased emperor, was U. C. 1035 
chosen by the army to succeed him ; A. D. 282. 
and he to strengthen his authority, 
united his two sons, Carinus and Numerian, with him 
in command ; the former of whom was as much sut- 
lied by his vices, as the younger was remarkable for 
his virtues, modesty and courage. Carus was shortly 
after his exaltation, s^uck dead by lightning in his 
tent, with many others that were round him. 

79. Numerian, the youngest son, who accompa- 
nied his father in this expedition, was inconsolable 
for his death, and brought such a disorder upon his 
eyes with weeping, that he was obliged to be carried 
along with the army, shut up in a close litter The 
peculiarity of his situation, after some time excited 
the ambition of Asper, his father-in-law, who suppo- 
sed that he could now, without any great danger, 
aim at the empire himself. 

80. He therefore hired a mercenary villain to mur- 
der the emperor in his litter : and the better to con- 
ceal the fact, gave out that he was still alive, but 
unable to endure the light. The offensiveness, how- 
ever, of his smell, at length discovered the treachery, 
and excited an universal uproar throughout the whole 
army. In the midst of this tumult, Dioclesian one 
of the most noted commanders of his time, was chosen 

2G 



302 THE HISTORY OF THE 

emperor, and with his own hand slew Asper ; having 
thus, as it is said, fulfilled a prophecy, which had 
said that Dioclesian should be emperor after he had 
slain a Boar. 

81. Carinus, the remaining son, did not long sur- 
vive his father and brother. 

82. Dioclesian was a person of mean 
U. C. 1037. birth, being supposed to be according 
A. D. 284. to some, the son of a scrivener; and of 
a slave, according to others. — He re- 
ceived his name from Dioclea, the town in which 
he was born, being forty years old when he was 
elected to the empire. He owed his exaltation 
entirely to his merit, having passed through all 
the gradations of office with sagacity, courage, and 
success. 

83. In his time, the northern hive, as it was 
called, poured down their swarms of barbarians 
upon the Roman empire. Ever at war with the 
Romans, they issued, when the armies that were to 
repress their invasions were called away; and upon 
their return, they as suddenly withdrew into their 
cold, barren, and inaccessible retreats, which only 
themselves could endure. In this manner, the 
Scythians, Goths, Sarmatians, Alani, Carsii, and 
Quadi, came down in incredible numbers, while every 
defeat seemed but to increase their strength and 
perseverance. 

84. After gaining many victories over these, and 
in the midst of his triumphs, Dioclesian, and Maxi- 
mian, his partner in the empire, surprised the world 
by resigning their dignities on the same day, and 
both retiring into private stations. In this contented 
manner, Dioclesian lived some time, and at last died 
either by poison or madness ; but this is uncertain. 
His reign, which continued twenty years, was active 
and useful ; and his authorit}', which was tinctured 
with severit}', was well adapted to the depraved state 
of morals at that time. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 303 

85. Upon the resignation of the two 
emperors, the two Caesars, whom they U. C. 1057. 
had before chosen, were universally ac- A. D. 304. 
knowledged as their successors, namely, 
Constantius Chlorus, who was so called from the 
paleness of his complexion, being virtuous, valiant, 
and merciful; and Galerius, who was brave, but 
brutal, incontinent, and cruel. As there was such 
a disparity in their tempers, they readily agreed, 
upon coming into full power, to divide the emipre, 
Constantius being appointed to govern the western 
parts. 

86. Constantius died in Britain, appointing Con- 
stantine his son, as his successor. Galerius was 
seized with a very extraordinary disorder in his pri- 
vates, which baffled all the skill of his physicians, and 
carried him off, after he had languished in torments 
for near the space of a year. 

87. Constantine, afterwards surnam- 

edthe Great, had some competitors at U. C. 1064. 
first for the throne. Among the rest A. D. 311. 
was Maxentius, who was at that time 
in possession of Rome, and a stedfast asserter of 
Paganism. It was in Constantine's march against 
that usurper, that we are assured he was converted to 
Christianity by a very extraordinary appearance. 

88. One evening, as we are told, the army being 
upon its march towards Rome, Constantine was 
taken up with various considerations upon the fate 
of sublunary things, and the dangers of his approach- 
ing expedition: sensible of his own incapacity to 
succeed without divine assistance, he employed his 
meditations upon the opinions ihat were chiefly agi- 
tated among mankind, and sent up ejaculations to 
Heaven, to inspire him with wisdom to choose the 
path to pursue. It was then, as the sun was declin- 
ing, that there suddenly appeared a pillar of light in 
the heavens, in the fashion of a cross, with this in- 
scription, In this overcome, 



304 THE HISTORY OF THE 

89. So extraordinary an appearance did not fail 
to create astonishment both in the emperor and his 
whole army, who considered it as their various dis- 
positions led them to believe. Those who were at- 
tached to Paganism, prompted by their auspices, 
pronounced it to be a most inauspicious omen, por- 
tending the most unfortunate events ; but it made a 
different impression on the emperor's mind, who as 
the account goes, was farther encouraged by visions 
the same night. 

90. He therefore, the day following caused a royal 
standard to be made, like that which he had seen in 
the heavens, and commanded it to be carried before 
him in his wars, as an ensign of victory and celestial 
protection. After this, he consulted with several of 
the principal teachers of Christianity, and made a 
public avowal of that sacred persuasion. 

91. Constantine having thus attached his soldiers 
to his interest, who were most of the Christian per- 
suasion, lost no time in entering Italy with ninety 
thousand foot and eight thousand horse, and soon 
advanced almost to the very gates of Rome. Max- 
entius advanced from the city with an army of an 
hundred and seventy thousand fool, and eighteen 
thousand horse. The engagement was for some 
{fine fierce and bloody, till his cavalry being routed, 
victory declared upon the side of his opponent: and 
he himself, was drowned in his flight, by the break- 
ing down of a bridge, as he attempted to cross the 
Tiber. 

92. Constantine, in consequence of this victory, 
entering the city, disclaimed all praises, which the 
senate and people were ready to offer, ascribing his 
success to a superior power. He even caused the 
cross, which he was said to have seen in the heavens, 
to be placed at the right of all his statues, with this 
inscription, " That under the influence of that vic- 
torious cross, Constantine had delivered the city from 
the yoke of tyrannical power; and had restored the 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 305 

senate and people of Rome to their ancient au- 
thority." 

93. He afterwards ordained, that no criminal 
should for the future suffer death by the cross, which 
had formerly been the most usual w T ay of punishing 
slaves convicted of capital offences. Edicts were 
soon after issued, declaring, that the Christians should 
be eased of all their grievances, and received into 
places of trust and authority. 

94. Things continued in this state for some time, 
Constantine contributing what was in his power to 
the interest of religion, and the revival of learning, 
which had long been upon the decline, and was al- 
most wholly extinct in the empire. But in the midst 
of these assiduities, the peace of the empire was again 
disturbed by the preparations of Maximin, who go- 
verned in the east, and who, desirous of a full parti- 
cipation of power, marched against Licinius with a 
very numerous army. In consequence of this step, 
after many conflicts, a general engagement ensued, 
in which Maximin suffered a total defeat ; many of 
his troops were cut to pieces, and those that survived 
submitted to the conqueror. 

95. Having, however, escaped the general car- 
nage, he once more put himself at the head of another 
army, resolving to try the fortune of the field ; but 
his death prevented the design. As he died by a 
very extraordinary kind of madness, the Christians, 
of whom he was the declared enemy, did not fail to 
ascribe his end to a judgment from heaven ; but this 
was the age in which false judgments and false mira- 
cles made up the bulk of uninstructive history. 

96. Constantine and Licinius thus remaining un- 
disputed possessors and partners in the empire, all 
things promised a peaceable continuance of friendship 
and power. However, it was soon found that the 
same ambition that aimed after a part, would be con- 
tent with nothing less than the whole. Pagan writers 
ascribed the rupture between these two potentates to 

26* 



306 THE HISTORY OF THE 

Constantine ; while the Christians, on the other hand, 
impute it wholly to Licinius. 

97. Both sides exerted all their power to make 
opposition, and at the head of very formidable armies 
came to an engagement near Cybalis in Pannonia. 
Constantine, previous to the battle, in the midst of his 
Christian bishops, begged the assistance of Heaven ; 
while Licinius, with equal zeal, called upon the Pa- 
gan priests to intercede with the gods in his favour. 
The success was on the side of truth. 

98. Constantine, after an obstinate resistance, be- 
came victorious, took the enemy's camp, and after 
some time compelled Licinius to sue for a truce, which 
was agreed upon. But this was of no long continu- 
ance ; for soon after, the war breaking out afresh, and 
the rivals coming once more to a general engage- 
ment, it proved decisive Licinius was entirely de- 
feated and pursued by Constantine into Nicomedia, 
where he surrendered himself up to the victor, having 
first obtained an oath that his life should be spared, 
and that he should be permitted to pass the remain- 
der of his days in retirement. 

99. This, however, Constantine shortly after 
broke ; for, either fearing his designs, or finding him 
actually engaged in fresh conspiracies, he command- 
ed him to be put to death, together with Martian his 
general, who some time before had been created 
Caesar. 

100. Constantine, being thus sole monarch of 
the empire, resolved to establish Christianity on 
so sure a basis that no new revolutions should 
shake it. He commanded that in all the provinces 
of the empire the orders of the bishops should be 
exactly obeyed. 

101. He called also a general council of these in 
order to repress the heresies that had already crept 
into the church, particularly that of Arius. To this 
place repaired about three hundred and eighteen bi- 
shops, besides a multitude of presbyters and deacons, 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 307 

together with the emperor himself, who, all except 
about seventeen, concurred in condemning the tenets 
of Arius ; and this heresiarch, with his associates, 
was banished into a remote part of the empire. 

102. Having thus restored universal tranquillity 
to the empire, he was not able to ward off the cala- 
mities, of a more domestic nature. As the wretched 
histories of this period are entirely at variance 
with each other, it is not easy to tell the motives 
which induced him to put his wife Fausta and his 
son Crispus to death. 

103. The most plausible account is this; Fausta 
the empress, who was a woman of great beauty, but 
of extravagant desires, had long, though secretly, 
loved Crispus, Constantine's son by a former wife. 
She had tried every art to inspire this youth with a 
mutual passion ; and, finding her most distant efforts 
ineffectual, had even the confidence to make him an 
open confession of her desires. This produced an 
explanation which was fatal to both. 

104. Crispus received her addresses with detestation, 
and she, to be revenged, accused him to the emperor. 
Constantine, fired at once with jealousy and rage, 
ordered him to die without an hearing ; nor did his 
innocence appear till it was too late for redress. The 
only reparation, therefore, that remained, was putting 
Fausta the wicked instrument of his former cruelty, 
to death : which was accordingly executed upon her, 
together with some others who had been accomplices 
in her falsehood and treachery. 

105. But it is supposed that all the good he did was 
not equal to recompense the evil the empire sustain- 
ed by his transferring the seat of it from Rome to By- 
zantium or Constantinople as it was afterwards call ; 
ed. Whatever might have been the reasons which in- 
duced him to this undertaking, whether it was because 
he was offended at some affronts he had received at 
Rome, or that he supposed Constantinople more in 
the centre of the empire, or that he thought the eastern 



308 THE HISTORY OF THE 

parts more required his presence, experience has 
shown that they were all weak and groundless. 

106. The empire had long before been in a most 
declining state ; but this in great measure gave pre- 
cipitation to its downfal. After this it never resumed 
its former splendour, but, like a flower transplanted 
into a foreign clime, languished by degrees, and at 
length sunk into nothing. 

107. His first design was to build a city which he 
might make the capital of the world ; and for this 
purpose he made choice of a situation at Chalcedon 
in Asia Minor ; but we are told that, in laying out 
the ground plan, an eagle caught up the line, and 
flew with it over to Byzantium, a city which lay 
upon the opposite side of the Bosphorus. 

108. Here, therefore/ it was thought expedient 
to fix the seat of empire ; and indeed nature seemed 
to have formed it with all the conveniences and 
all the beauties which might induce power to make 
it the seat of residence. It was situated on a plain 
that rose gently from the water ; it commanded 
that streight which unites the Mediterranean with 
the Euxine sea, and was furnished with all the ad- 
vantages which the most indulgent climate could 
bestow. 

109. This city, therefore, he beautified with the 

most magnificient edifices ; he divided 

U. C. 1084. it into fourteen regions: built a capitol, 

A. D. 330. an amphitheatre, many churches, and 

other public works ; and having thus 

rendered it equal to the magnificence of his idea, he 

dedicated it in a very solemn manner to the God of 

martyrs ; and in about two years after repaired 

thither with his whole court. 

110. This removal produced no immediate alter- 
ation in the government of the empire ; the inhabi- 
tants of Rome, though with reluctance, submitted to 
the change ; nor was there for two or three years any 
disturbance in the state, until at length tk'j Goths, 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 309 

finding that the Romans had withdrawn all their 
garrisons along the Danube, renewed their inroads, 
and ravaged the country with unheard of cruelty. 
Constantine, however, soon represt their incursions, 
and so straitened them that near an hundred thou- 
sand of their number perished by cold and hunger. 

111. Another great errour ascribed to him is the 
dividing the empire among his sons. Constantine, 
the emperor's eldest son, commanded in Gaul and 
the western provinces ; Constantius, his second, go- 
verned Africa and Illyricum ; and Constans, the 
youngest, ruled in Italy. This division of the empire 
still farther contributed to its downfal ; for the united 
strength of the state being no longer brought to re- 
press invasions, the barbarians fought with superior 
numbers, and conquered at last, though often defeated. 

112. Constantine was about sixty years old, and 
had reigned above thirty, when he found his health 
began to decline. His disorder which was an ague, 
increasing, he w T ent to Nicomedia, where, finding 
himself without hopes of a recovery, he caused him- 
self to be baptized ; and having soon after received 
the sacrament, he expired, after a memorable and 
active reign of almost thirty-two years. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Of the destruction of the Roman Empire after the 
death of Constantine, and the events which hastened 
its catastrophe. 

1. FROM this dreary period the recovery of the 
empire was become desperate ; no wisdom could ob- 
viate its decadence, no courage oppose the evils that 
surrounded it on every side. Were we to enter into 
a detail concerning the characters of the princes of 
those timeSj it should be rather of the conquerors, not 



310 THE HISTORY OF THE 

the conquered : of those Gothic chiefs who led a more 
virtuous and more; courageous people to the conquest 
of nations corrupted by vice and enervated by luxury. 

2. These barbarians were at first unknown to the 
Romans, and for some time after had been only in- 
commodious to them. But they were now become 
formidable, and arose in such numbers that the earth 
seemed to produce anew race of mankind to com- 
plete the empire's destruction. 

3. They had been increasing in their hideous de- 
serts, amidst regions frightful with eternal snows, and 
had long only waited the opportunity of coming down 
into a more favourable climate. Against such an 
enemy no courage could avail, nor abilities be suc- 
cessful : a victory only cut off numbers without an 
habitation and a name, soon to be succeeded by 
others equally desperate and obscure. 

4. The emperors who had to contend with this 
people were most of them furnished neither with cou- 
rage nor conduct to oppose. Their residence in 
Asia seemed to enervate their manners, and produced 
a desire in them to be adored like the monarchs of 
the east. Sunk in softness, they showed themselves 
with less frequency to the soldiers ; they became 
more indolent, fonder of domestic pleasures, and 
more abstracted from the empire. 

5. Constantius, who reigned thirty-eight years, 
was weak, timid and unsuccessful; governed by his 
eunuchs and his wives, and unfit to prop the falling 
empire. Julian, his successor, surnamed the apostate 
upon account of his relapsing into Paganism, was 
notwithstanding a very good and a very valiant 
prince. He, by his wisdom, conduct, and economy, 
chased the barbarians, that had taken fifty towns 
upon the Rhine out of their new settlements; and his 
name was a terrour to them during his reign, which 
lasted but two years. Jovian and Valentinian had 
virtue and strength sufficient to preserve the empire 
from immediately falling under its enemies. 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 311 

6. No prince saw the necessity of restoring the 
ancient plan of the empire more than Valentinian; 
the former emperors had drained away all the fron- 
tier garrison merely to strengthen their own power 
at home ; but his whole life was employed in fortify- 
ing the banks of the Rhine, making levies, raising 
castles, placing troops in proper stations, and furnish- 
ing them with subsistence for their support; but an 
event that no human prudence could foresee, brought 
up a new enemy to assist in the universal destruction, 

7. That tract of land which lies between the Palus 
Mseotis, the mountains of Caucasus and the Caspian 
sea, was inhabited by a numerous savage people that 
went by the name of the Huns and Allanes. Their 
soil was fertile, and the inhabitants fond of robbery 
and plunder. As they imagined it impracticable to 
cross the Palus Mseotis, they were altogether unac- 
quainted with the Romans, so that they remained 
confined within the limits their ignorance had assigned 
them, while other nations plundered with security. 

8. It has been the opinion of some, that the slime 
which was rolled down by the current of the Tanais 
had by degrees formed a kind of incrustation on the 
surface of the Cimmserian Bosphorus, over which 
those people are supposed to have passed. Others 
relate, that two young Scythians being in full pur- 
suit of an heifer, the terrified creature swam over an 
arm of the sea, and the youths immediately following 
her, found themselves in a new world upon the op- 
posite shore. 

9. Upon their return they did not fail to relate the 
wonders of the strange lands and countries which they 
had discovered. Upon their information an innu- 
merable body of Huns passed those streights; and 
meeting first with the Goths, made that people fly 
before them. The Goths, in consternation, presented 
themselves on the banks of the Danube ; and with 
a suppliant air, entreated the Romans to allow them 
a place of refuge. 



312 THE HISTORY OF THE 

10. This they easily obtained from Valens, who 
assigned them several portions of land in Thrace, 
but left them destitute of all needful supplies. Stim- 
ulated therefore by hunger and resentment, they soon 
after rose against their protectors ; and in a dreadful 
engagement, which was fought near Andrianople, 
they destroyed Valens himself, and the greatest part 
of his army. 

11. It was in this manner the Roman armies grew 
weaker ; so that the emperors, finding it difficult at 
last to raise levies in the provinces, were obliged to 
hire one body of barbarians to oppose another. This 
expedient had its use in circumstances of immediate 
danger; but when that was over, the Romans found 
it was as difficult to rid themselves of their new allies 
as of their former enemies. 

12. Thus the empire was not ruined by any par- 
ticular invasion, but sunk gradually under the weight 
of several attacks made upon it on every side. When 
the barbarians had wasted one province, those who 
succeeded the first spoilers proceeded on to another. 
Their devastations were at first limited to Thrace, 
Mysia, and Pannonia ; but when these countries were 
ruined, they destroyed Macedonia, Thessaly, and 
Greece; and from thence they expatiated to Norcium. 
The empire was in this manner continually shrinking, 
and Italy at last became the frontier of its own do- 
minion. 

13. The valour and conduct of Theodosius, in 
some measure retarded the destruction that had be- 
gun in the time of Valens; but upon his death, the 
enemy became irresistible. A large body of Goths 
had been called in to assist the regular forces of the 
empire, under the command of Alaric, their king; 
but what was brought in to stop the universal decline 
proved the most mortal stab to its security. 

14. This Gothic prince, who is represented as 
brave, impetuous, and enterprising, perceiving the 
weakness of the state, and how little Arcadius and 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 313 

Honorius the successors of Theodosius, were able 
to secure it ; being instigated also still further by the 
artifices of one Rusinus, who had designs upon the 
throne himself: this warlike prince, I say, putting 
himself at the head of his barbarous forces, declared 
war against his employers, and fought the armies of 
the empire for some years with various success. 

15. However, in proportion as his troops were cut 
off, he received new supplies from his native forests ; 
and at length putting his mighty designs in execu- 
tion, passed the Alps, and poured down like a torrent 
among the fruitful vallies of Italy. — This charming 
region had long been the seat of indolence and sen- 
sual delight ; its fields were now turned into gardens 
of pleasure, that only served to enervate the posses- 
sors, from having once been a nursery of military 
strength that furnished soldiers for the conquest of 
mankind. 

16. The timid inhabitants therefore beheld with 
terrour a dreadful enemy ravaging in the midst of 
their country, while their wretched emperor Hono- 
rius, who was then in Ravenna, still only seemed re- 
solved to keep up his dignity, and to refuse any ac- 
commodation. But the inhabitants of Rome felt the 
calamities of the times with double aggravation. 

17. This great city, that had long sat as mistress 
of the world, now saw herself besieged by an army 
of fierce and terrible barbarians ; and being crowded 
with inhabitants, it was reduced, by the extremities 
of pestilence and famine, to a most deplorable situa- 
tion. In this extremity, the senate despatched their 
ambassadors to Alaric, desiring him either to grant 
them peace upon reasonable terms, or to give them 
leave to fight it with him in the open field. 

18. To this message, however, the Gothic monarch 
only replied, with a burst of laughter, " that thick 
" grass was easier cut than thin ;" implying that 
their troops, when cooped up within the narrow com- 
pass of the city, would be more easily overcome than 

!7 O 



314 THE HISTORY OF THE 

when drawn out in order of battle. When they 
came to debate about a peace, he demanded all their 
riches and all their slaves. When he was asked, 
" what then he would leave them r" he sternly re- 
plied, " their lives." 

19. These were hard conditions for such a cele- 
brated city to accept ; but compelled by the necessity 
of the times, they raised an immense treasure, both 
by taxation and stripping the Heathen temples, and 
thus at length bought off* their fierce invaders. But 
this was but a temporary removal of the calamity ; 
for Alaric now finding that he might become master 
of Rome whenever he thought proper, returned with 

his army a short time after ; pressed rt 
U. C. 1 163. more closely than he had done before, 
A. D. 418. and at last took it; but whether by 

force or stratagem is not agreed among 
historians. 

20. Thus that city, which for ages had plundered 
the rest of the world, and enriched herself with the 
spoils of mankind, now felt in turn the sad reverse 
of fortune, and suffered, all that barbarity could in- 
flict, or patience endure. The soldiers had free liber- 
ty to pillage all places except the Christian churches ; 
and, in the midst of this horrible desolation, so great 
was the reverence of these barbarians for our holy 
religion, that the Pagan Romans found safety in 
applying to those of the Christian persuasion for 
protection. 

21. This dreadful devastation continued for three 
days ; and unspeakable were the precious monu- 
ments, both of art and learning, that sunk under the 
fury of the conquerors. However, there were still 
numberless traces of the city's former greatness ; so 
that this capture seemed rather a correction than a 
total overthrow. 

22. But the Gothic conquerors of the west, though 
they had suffered Rome to survive its first capture, 
now found how easy it was to become masters of it 



EMPIRE OF ROME. 315 

upon any other occasion. The extent of its walls 
had in fact made it almost impracticable for the in- 
habitants to defend them ; and as it was situated in a 
plain, it might be stormed without much difficulty. 
Besides this, no succours were to be expected from 
without ; for the number of the people was so ex- 
tremely diminished, that the emperors were obliged 
to retire to Ravenna, a place so fortified by nature, 
that they could be safe without the assistance of an 
army. 

23. What Alaric therefore spared, Gesneric, king 
of the Vandals, not long after contributed to destroy : 
his merciless soldiers, for fourteen days together, ra- 
vaged with implacable fury, in the midst of that ve- 
nerable place. Neither private dwellings, nor pub- 
lic buildings, neither sex, nor age, nor religion, were 
the least protection against their lust or avarice. 

24. The capital of the empire being thus ransacked 
several times, and Italy overrun by barbarous inva- 
ders, under various denominations, from the remotest 
skirts of Europe, the western emperors for some 
time continued to hold the title without the power of 
royalty. Honorius lived till he saw himself stripped 
of the greatest part of his dominions, his capital taken 
by the Goths, the Huns seized on Pannonia, the 
Allanes Suevi, and Vandals established in Spain ; 
and the Burgundians settled in Gaul, where the Goths 
also fixed themselves at last. 

25. After some time, the inhabitants of Rome 
also, being abandoned by their princes, feebly at- 
tempted to take the supreme power into their own 
hands. Armorica and Britain, seeing themselves 
forsaken, began to regulate themselves by their own 
laws. Thus the power of the state was entirely 
broken, and those who assumed the title of emperors 
only encountered certain destruction. 

26. At length, even the very name of emperor of 
the West expired upon the abdication of Augustulus; 
and Odoacer, general of the Heruli, assumed the 



316 THE HISTORY OF ROME. 

title of king of all Italy. Such was the end of this 
great empire, that had conquered mankind with its 
arms, and instructed the world with its wisdom ; that 
had risen by temperance, and that fell by luxury ; 
that had been established by a spirit of patriotism, 
and that sunk into ruin when the empire was become 
so extensive that a Roman citizen was but an empty 
name. 

27. Its final dissolution happened about five hun- 
dred and twenty-two years after the battle of Pbar- 
salia, an hundred and forty-six after the removal of 
the imperial seat to Constantinople, and four hundred 
and seventy-six after the nativity of our Saviour. 



THE END. 



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